vertue is amended or made more beauteous, whiche of her selfe is perfecte, but lyke wise as a lady of excellent beaultie, thoughe that she be all wayes fayre, yet a ryche and fresshe garment declareth her astate, and causeth her the more to be loked on, and thereby her naturall beaultie to be the better perceyued. Semblably dothe Magnanimitie, ioyned with any vertue, sette it wonderfully furthe to be beholden, and (as I mought saye) meruayled at, as it shall appere abundauntely in the examples ensuinge.

Agesilaus, king of Lacedemonia, in the begynninge of his youthe, perceyuinge that all Greece was in great feare for the fame that was sprad of the commynge of the Persians with an infinite armye, he with a noble courage profred nat onely to defende his owne contray, but also with a small hoste to passe the sees in to Asia, and frome thens either to brynge victorie of the Persianes, or els a sure and honorable peace. With whose courage the Lacedemones, highly recomforted, delyuered unto hym x thousande souldiours. With the whiche hoste he went in to Asia, and there vainquisshed the Persianes, and retourned ioyfully in to his contray with his people all saulfe, to his perpetuall renoume, and also the honour and suertie of all Greece.

This is a mistake, for he was, as Thirlwall says, 'in the prime of life,' but the author may have been misled by the language of Corn. Nepos, who says, 'Simul atque imperii potitus est, persuasit Lacedæmoniis, ut exercitum emitterent in Asiam, bellumque regi facerent.'-Ages. cap. 2. According to Justin, he was about the same age as Conon: Non facile dixerim, quod aliud par ducum tam bene comparatum fuerit: quippe atas, virtus, consilium, sapientia, utrique prope una.'-Hist. lib. vi. cap. 2.

This was not the exact number, which both Plutarch and Xenophon are agreed was only 8,000, exclusive of the thirty Spartan Commissioners. 'Aynaíλaos ἀνεδέξατο τὸν πόλεμον, εἰ δοῖεν αὐτῷ τριάκοντα μὲν ἡγεμόνας καὶ συμβούλους Σπαρτίατας, νεοδαμώδεις δὲ λογάδας δισχιλίους, τὴν δὲ συμμαχικὴν εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους δύναμιν. Συμπάττοντος δὲ πάντα τοῦ Λυσάνδρου προθύμως εψηφίσαντο. — Plut. Agesilaus, 6.

⚫ This is scarcely correct, considering the cause of his return, and that he had to fight the greater part of his way home, and at the Battle of Coronea was himself severely wounded.

Antigonus, kynge of Macedonia, beinge on the see, one of his capitaines aduised him to departe, sayenge that the nauye of his enemye was moche gretter in numbre than his, where unto with a noble courage he answered, And for howe many shippes accounte you oure persone? Wherewith his people toke suche comforte that they boldelye dyd set furth and vainquisshed their enemyes.

Suche noble courage was in great kynge Alexander, that in hys warres agayne Darius, he was sene of all hys people fightynge in the prease of his enemyes bare heded."

I wyll nat be so uncurtaise to leaue unremembred in this

• Βέλτιον δὲ 'Αντίγονος ὁ γέρων ὅτε ναυμαχεῖν περὶ ̓́Ανδρον ἔμελλεν εἰπόντος τινὸς, ὡς πολὺ πλείους αἱ τῶν πολεμίων νῆες εἶεν, “Ἐμὲ δὲ αὐτὸν, ἔφη, ὁ πρὸς πόσας AVTIOTHσELS ; '—Plut. Pelopidas, 2.

There seems to be some confusion with regard to this statement. The Editor has been unable to discover anything, either in Plutarch or Curtius, which would tend to confirm it. On the other hand, the author can hardly be supposed to allude to the following passage, in which Plutarch relates that Pompey performed the very same feat in the war against Domitius, inasmuch as he ascribes it to a motive the very reverse of courageous. Πομπηίος ἄνευ κράνους ηγωνίζετο δεδοικώς τὸ πρότερον πάθος.-Pompeius, 12. It would almost seem as if Sir Thomas Elyot had transferred to Alexander the credit which is given to Hadrian by Dion Cassius in the following passage: Οὐδὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν οὐκ ἐν θάλπει, οὐκ ἐν ῥίγει ἐκαλύφθη, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν ταῖς χιόσι ταῖς Κελτικαῖς καὶ ἐν τοῖς καύμασι τοῖς Αἰγυπτιακοῖς γυμνῇ avrŶ Tepiḥei. — Rerum Rom. tom. ii. p. 326, ed. 1849. Nor, cæteris paribus, would this hypothesis be untenable, because, though the work of Dion Cassius was not published in the original Greek until 1548, many years after The Governour was written, a Latin translation had already appeared in 1526. But, taking all the circumstances into consideration, the Editor is reluctantly compelled to the conclusion that the statement in the text is due to nothing else than an entire misapprehension on the part of the author of the following passages in the two works which furnished him with such copious materials, and which are therein cited as illustrations of the virtue which forms the subject of the present chapter, viz., Magnanimity. In order that the reader may form his own opinion of the probability of the author having been misled by the expression 'aperto marte,' the passages in question are subjoined. Alexandri Magni . . . suadentibus amicis noctu cum Dario pugnandum esse, ne, si aperto pugnaretur Marte, tantâ hominum inspectâ multitudine, miles consternaretur, maximo cum supercilio inclamavit victoriam se nullo modo furaturum.'-' De Magnanimitate,' Pontanus, Opera, tom. i. fo. 255. 'Alexander animi magnitudine excellentior patre extitit, proinde aliâ vincendi ratione utebatur. Bella enim semper aperto Marte gerebat.'—Patrizi, De Regno et Reg. Ins. lib. vii. tit. 8.

place the notable Magnanimitie of a kynge of Englande, whiche I hapned to rede late in an olde cronycle.

Edgare, who in the tyme that the Saxons had this realme in subiection, hadde subdued all the other kynges Saxons, and made them his tributaries. On a tyme he hadde theim all with hym at dyner, and after it was shewed hym that Rynande, kynge of Scottes, hadde sayde that he woundred howe it shulde happen that he and other kynges, that were tall and great personages, wolde suffre them selfes to be subdued by so litle a body as Edgare was. Edgare dissembled and answered nothinge, but faynynge to go on huntynge, he toke with him the Scottisshe kynge in his company, and purposely withdrewe hym from them that were with hym; and causynge by a secrete seruaunt two swerdes to be conuayed in to a place in the forest by hym appointed, as soone as he came thither he toke the one sworde, and delyuered the other to

• Probably in MS., for this expression would hardly be applicable to Fabyan's Chronicle, in which the story is told, but which had quite recently been printed, viz. in 1516. Whilst the fact that in the latter the king of Scotland's name appears as 'Kynadus,' whilst our author spells it differently, raises the presumption that Sir Thomas Elyot had consulted an unprinted document, in which the reading varied from that of the authority made use of by Fabyan; or, if it was the same, that our author deciphered it in a different manner.

For the purpose of comparison, the version of the story as given by Fabyan is subjoined.

'It is wytnessed of dyuers authours that Kynadus, kynge of Scotlande, dispysed Edgar for that he was lytell of stature. Wherof Edgar beynge warned, desyred the sayd Kynadus to dyner, and made to him good countenaunce. After whych dyner ended, he toke the sayd Kynadus by the arme, and so wyth hym helde company tyll they came into the feldes. Where, beynge dysseuered from bothe theyr seruauntes, Edgar drew from under his garment two swordes, and desyred Kynadus to take the chose of theym, and sayd to hym, Nowe thou hast good laysure to a saye thy strength wyth myne, that before tyme thou haste so myche dyspysed. And lette us nowe proue whyche is more worthy to be subiecte to other. It is not fyttynge for a knyghte to make great boste at the borde, and to do lytell in felde. When the Scottyshe kynge hard the kyng thus challenge hym, he knew well his wordes before spoken were disclosyd to the kynge, wherof he was not a litle abashed. But for to apeace the kynge he behaued hym so lowely, and gaue to hym suche plesaunte wordes, that the kynge forgaue the trespace.'-Chronicle, vol. i. fo. cxvii. ed. 1533.

Rinande, byddinge hym to proue his strength, and to assaye whither his dedes wolde ratifie his wordes. Wherat the Scottisshe kynge beinge abasshed, beholdynge the noble courage of Edgare, with an horrible feare confessed his errour, desirynge pardon, whiche he with moste humble submission at the laste optayned. That noble kynge Edgare declarynge by his Magnanimitie that by his vertue, and nat by chaunce, he was elected to reigne ouer so noble a region.

Plato, for his diuine wisedome and eloquence named the god of Philosophers,a was sent for by Dionise, kynge of Sicile, to the intent, as it semed, that he wolde be of him instructed concernynge the polityke gouernaunce of his realme. But whan he had ben with him a certaine space, and wolde nat flatter with the kynge and upholde his tyrannye, the kinge became wery of him, in so moche that if it had nat ben at the requeste of Architas, prince of Tarent, he wolde haue put hym to dethe. Wherfore, partely at the desire of that prince, partely for feare of the Atheniensis, he licenced Plato to departe without damage, but at his departynge he sayde unto him, as it were in despite, O howe euill wilt thou speke of me, Plato, whan thou commest amonge thy companyons and scolers. Than Plato with a noble courage, answered, God defende there shulde be in my scole so moche vacaunt tyme from the studie of wisedome, that there mought be any place lefte ones to remembre the.b

Nowe will I make an ende of this vertue, and procede further to write of some vices whiche communely do folowe Magnanimitie, and with great difficultie may be exchued.

• He is so styled by Cicero: 'Audiamus enim Platonem, quasi quendam Deum philosophorum.'-De Nat. Deor. lib. ii, cap. 12.

* Εν τοιούτῳ δὲ κινδύνῳ γενομένου τοῦ Πλάτωνος, οἱ περὶ ̓Αρχύταν πυθόμενοι ταχὺ πέμπουσι πρεσβείαν καὶ τριακόντορον ἀπαιτοῦντες τὸν ἄνδρα παρὰ Διονυσίου, καὶ λέγοντες ὡς αὐτοὺς λαβὼν ἀναδόχους τῆς ἀσφαλείας πλεύσειεν εἰς Συρακούσας. Απολογουμένου δὲ τοῦ Διονυσίου τὴν ἔχθραν ἑστιάσεσι καὶ φιλοφροσύναις περὶ τὴν προπομπὴν, ἓν δέ τι προαχθέντος πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιοῦτον εἰπεῖν “μπου, Πλάτων, πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ κατηγορήσεις ἡμῶν πρὸς τοὺς συμφιλοσοφοῦντας, ὑπομειδιάσας ἐκεῖνος ἀπεκρίνατο ' Μὴ τοσαύτη λόγων ἐν ̓Ακαδημίᾳ γένοιτο σπάνις, ὥστε σοῦ τινα μνημο Vevoai.'-Plut. Dio.

CHAPTER XV.

Of Obstinacie, a familiar vice folowinge Magnanimitie.

THE prince of Oratours, Marcus Tullius, in his firste boke of Offices, sayeth that in height and greatnesse of courage is moste soneste ingendred obstinacie, and inordinate desire of soueraignetie.

Obstinacie is an affection immoueable, fixed to wille, abandonynge reason, whiche is ingendred of Pryde, that is to saye, whan a man estemeth so moche hym selfe aboue any

⚫ 'In hâc elatione et magnitudine animi, facillimè pertinacia et nimia cupiditas principatûs innascitur.'-Cic. de Off. lib. i. cap. 19.

It will be seen from the author's translation of the passage quoted in the last note, that he considered 'obstinacy' the proper equivalent for 'pertinacia.' The Romans themselves made a distinction between this and the kindred word 'pervicacia.' For the old grammarian, Nonius Marcellus, to whose work no date has yet been assigned, says, 'Pervicacia et Pertinacia hoc distant: pervicacia est interdum bonarum rerum perseverantia, pertinacia semper malarum.' The question however arises, how was the word, in the form in which we still have it, introduced into the English language? The Latin word 'obstinatio,' which is extremely uncommon, and besides, is certainly not used in a bad sense by Cicero, in the only place in which, so far as the Editor is aware, it occurs, viz. in the speech de Provinciis Consularibus, cap. 17, retained its original termination in all the three languages, Italian, Spanish, and French. In English alone it acquired a termination from which it might be inferred that it was derived from a word having a termination similar to the synonymous words 'pervicacia' and 'pertinacia.' Yet so far as is known, no such word as 'obstinacia' was ever in use. The question is one to which etymologists seem scarcely to have paid sufficient attention.

• Dr. Whewell connects this vice with energy or zeal as a product of the affections, and says, 'A man who adheres to his purpose in spite of strong motives to draw him away, is firm, but if the motives which he resists are reasonable, he is obstinate. Firmness implies a good cause; obstinacy a bad one.'-Elem. of Mor. p. 83, 4th ed.

The author's definition evidently includes a description of the reflex sentiments of self-esteem and presumption which modern philosophy also derives from Pride. Thus Dr. Whewell says, 'When Pride is manifested so as to imply contempt of others, it is Haughtiness, Disdain; if unkindness be added, it is Insolence. The insolent man is overbearing, domineering, arrogant. Self-esteem, so far as it regards the operation of the Intellect, is Self-opinion. When this excludes all mistrust of one's self, it is Self-sufficiency; and as taking much for granted, it is Presumption.'-Elem. of Mor. p. 91.