They shal also consider that by their pre-eminence they sitte, as it were on a piller on the toppe of a mountaine, where all the people do beholde them, nat only in their open affaires, but also in their secrete passetimes, priuie daliaunce, or other improfitable or wanton conditions: whiche soone be discouered by the conuersation of their most familiare seruauntes, whiche do alway imbrace that studie wherin their maister delitethe: accordynge to the sayinge of Jesus Sirach, As the iuge of the people is, so be his ministers; and such as be the gouernours of the citie, suche be the people. Whiche sentence is confirmed by sondry histories: for Nero, Caligula, Domi "Tua in conspicuo vita est, latere non potes: aut magno omnium bono, bonus sis necesse est, aut magnâ omnium pernicie malus. Vulgus nihil imitatur lubentiùs, quàm quod à suo Principe fieri conspexerit. Sub aleatore passim luditur alea, sub bellaci bellaturiunt omnes, sub comessatore luxu diffluunt, sub libidinoso lenocinantur, sub crudeli deferunt et calumniantur. Evolve veterum historias, reperies semper ejusmodi fuisse seculi mores, cujusmodi fuerat Principis vita.'Erasmus, ubi supra, pp. 30, 31. Ovid has a very similar sentiment: 'Non eadem vulgusque decent, et lumina rerum, Est quod præcipuum debeat ista domus. Jussit honoratum, Livia: perfer onus. Ad te oculos, auresque trahis: tua facta notamus. Ad Liviam Aug. Consolatio, 347-352. 'As the iuge of the people is him selfe euen so are his officers; and loke what maner of man the ruler of the citie is, suche are they that dwel therin also.'--Cap. x. v. 2, Bokes of Salomon, ed. 1542. So Cicero says, 'Erant præterea hæc anim. advertenda in civitate, quæ sunt apud Platonem nostrum scripta divinitùs: Quales in republicâ principes essent, tales reliquos solere esse cives.'—Epist. ad Div. lib. i. 9. And Xenophon : “ Ὁποῖοί τινες γὰρ ἂν οἱ προστάται ὦσι, τοιοῦτοι καὶ οἱ ὑπ ̓ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ γίγνονται!-Cyropaed. lib. viii. cap. 8, § 5. • Merivale says that Nero was 'surrounded on the throne not by generals and statesmen, but by troops of slaves or freedmen, by players and dancers, lost to all sense of decency themselves, and seeking only their advancement at the expense of their master and of mankind; surrendered by loose women to still more despicable minions, and ruled by the most cruel and profligate of ministers.'-Hist. of Rom. Empire, vol. vi. p. 317, ed. 1858. In his expedition against the Germans Caius 'was attended throughout by a rain of players and gladiators, dancers and women, the vile retinue of a Parthian overeign.'-Ibid. vol. v. p. 447. b ciane, Lucius Commodus, Varius Heliogabalus, monstruous emperours, norisshed about them ribauldes and other voluptuouse artificers. Maximianus, Dioclesian, Maxencius, and other persecutours of christen men, lacked nat inuentours of cruel and terrible tourmentes. Cuntrary wise reigninge the ⚫ 'The mimes found no doubt a protector in the prince of mimes, who had also his personal favourites among this profession, and allowed them easy access to his person.'-Ibid. vol. vii, pp. 132, 133. 'The younger Cæsar,' says Merivale, 'flung himself into the dissipations of his villa on the Clodian Way, and among his boon companions paraded the trophies of his campaigns, his troops of buffoons and players, dancers and conjurors, and all the vilest spawn of the Orontes.'-Ibid. vol. vii. p. 577. • He was originally called Varius Avitus Bassianus after his father, grandfather, and great grandfather respectively. By this emperor a dancer was made præfect of the city, a charioteer præfect of the watch, a barber præfect of the provisions.' -Decline and Fall of the Rom. Emp. vol. i. p. 283, note. So Erasmus says, 'An non hujusmodi quidam orbis malus genius fuit Nero, an non Caligula, an non Heliogabalus? Quorum non solum omnis vita pestis quædam mundi fuit, sed ipsa etiam memoria publicæ mortalium exsecrationi est obnoxia.'— Instit. Prin. Christ. p. 32. • Gibbon says that the rigorous edicts of Diocletian were strictly and cheerfully executed by his associate Maximian, who had long hated the Christians, and who delighted in acts of blood and violence. In the autumn of the first year of the persecution the two emperors met at Rome to celebrate their triumph; several oppressive laws appear to have issued from their secret consultations, and the diligence of the magistrates was animated by the presence of their sovereigns.’— Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. ii. p. 276. With regard to the invention of torments, Lactantius has many minute details. Schlegel says: 'According with the disposition of the several governors was the execution of their imperial edict. Some only sent the Christians into banishment, when the attempt to make them offer sacrifices failed. Others deprived them of an eye, or lamed one of their feet by burning it, and others exposed them to wild beasts or lacerated their bodies with iron hooks, or with the scourge, and afterwards sprinkled vinegar and salt on the wounds, or dropped melted lead into them.'-Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. vol. i. p. 284, note, ed. 1845. According to Gibbon, however, Maxentius, who 'oppressed every other class of his subjects, showed himself just, humane, and even partial towards the afflicted Christians;' and he insinuates that it suited the purpose of Lactantius to place his death among the persecutors, because he was vanquished by Constantine.-Ubi supra. And even Mr. Milner, who has undertaken to correct the 'perversions' of the great historian, is obliged to admit that 'Maxentius, though a tyrant of the basest character, never seems to have been, strictly speaking, a persecutor of the Christians.'-Church History, vol. i. p. 499, ed. 1847. The passage in the text taken in connexion with another in the preceding volume (p. 49), proves conclusively that the author was acquainted with the writings of Lactantius, noble Augustus," Nerua," Traiane, Hadriane, the two Antonines, and the wonderfull emperour Alexander, for his grauitie called Seuerus,' the imperiall palaice was alway replenisshed with eloquent oratours, delectable poetes, wise philosophers, 27 moste cunnynge and experte lawyars, prudent and valiaunt capitaines. Mo semblable examples shall hereof be founden ? by them which purposely do rede histories, whom of all other I moste desire to be princes and gouernours. • Merivale says: 'The companions of his leisure hours were jurists, grammarians, and physicians, rather than philosophers.'--Hist. of Rome, vol. iv. p. 297, ed. 1856. The name of Nerva has been associated in after ages with the mildness of age, and the charm of paternal government.'-Ibid. vol. vii. p. 204. с 'Trajan was fond of society, and of educated and even literary society. He was proud of being known to associate with the learned, and felt himself complimented when he bestowed on the rhetorician Dion the compliment of carrying him in his own chariot.'-Ibid. vol. vii. p. 269. a Hadrian was distinguished, even beyond his predecessor, by the geniality of his temperament. Versed in all the knowledge of his era, he placed himself on an intimate footing with the ablest teachers and practitioners, and divided his smiles equally between senators like Fronto, and freedmen such as Favorinus the rhetorician, and the architect Apollodorus.'—Ibid. lib. vii. p. 425. The two Antonines governed the Roman world forty-two years with the same invariable spirit of wisdom and virtue. In private life Titus Antoninus Pius was an amiable as well as a good man. The native simplicity of his virtue was a stranger to vanity or affectation. He enjoyed with moderation the conveniences of his fortune and the innocent pleasures of society; and the benevolence of his soul displayed itself in a cheerful serenity of temper. The virtue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was of a severer and more laborious kind. It was the wellearned harvest of many a learned conference, of many a patient lecture, and many a midnight lucubration. His "Meditations," composed in the tumult of a camp, are still extant; and he even condescended to give lessons of philosophy, in a more public manner than was perhaps consistent with the modesty of a sage or the dignity of an emperor.'—Decline and Fall of Rom. Emp. vol. i. pp. 214, 215, 216. 'Alexander's table was served with the most frugal simplicity, and whenever he was at liberty to consult his own inclination, the company consisted of a few select friends-men of learning and virtue, amongst whom Ulpian was constantly invited. Their conversation was familiar and instructive; and the pauses were occasionally enlivened by the recital of some pleasing composition, which supplied the place of the dancers, comedians, and even gladiators, so frequently summoned to the tables of the rich and luxurious Romans.'-Ibid. vol. i. p. 288. Patrizi says: "Cognitio historiæ Regibus Ducibus Imperatoribus, et omnibus Principibus perquam necessaria habenda est.'—De Regno et Reg. Instit. lib. ii. tit. These articles wel and substancially grauen in a noble mannes memorie, it shall also be necessary to cause them to be delectably writen and sette in a table within his bedde chamber, addyng to the versis of Claudiane, the noble poet, whiche he wrate to Theodosius and Honorius, emperours of Rome. The versis I haue translated out of latine in to englisshe, nat without great studie and difficultie, nat obseruynge the ordre as they stande, but the sentence belongynge to my purpose.b Though that thy powar stretcheth bothe ferre and large, And also Seres that silke to us dothe sende, If feare the trouble, and small thinges the offende, Claudi anus. 10. King James gave the same advice to his son: Next the lawes I would haue you to be well versed in authenticke histories, and in the Chronicles of all nations; but specialle in our owne histories (ne sis peregrinus domi), the example whereof most neerely concernes you. . . By reading of authenticke histories and chronicles, yee shall learne experience by theoricke, applying the by-past things to the present estate, quia nihil novum sub sole. And likewise, by the knowledge of histories, yee shall knowe howe to behaue your selfe to all Embassadours and strangers, being able to discourse with them upon the estate of their owne countrie.' --Barinov A@pov, lib. ii. p. 92. Erasmus recommends the study of history, but with this reservation: 'Jam vero non negaverim, ex historicorum lectione præcipuam colligi prudentiam, verum ex iisdem summam perniciem hauries, nisi et præmunitus et cum delectu legeris.'—Instit. Prin. Christ. p. 84. ed. 1519. * This passage from Claudian is quoted by John of Salisbury in his Polycraticus, lib. iv. cap. 4, and lib. v. cap. 8, and it is very probable that Sir Thos. Elyot borrowed it at second hand from this source which had supplied him, as we have already seen, with other illustrations. The last three lines are quoted by King James in the second book of his Baσiλikdy ▲ŵpov, where he impresses upon his son the necessity of setting a good example to his people by his behaviour in his own person and with his servants, 'for people are naturally inclined to counterfaite (like apes) their princes' maners.'-Lib. ii. p. 24, ed. 1603. Селимие Corrupte desire thyne harte hath ones embraced, Thou shalte be demed than worthy for to raigne, What thou mayst do delite nat for to knowe, Be nat moche meued with singuler appetite, Bothe lawe and counsaile is tourned in to a fable. These versis of Claudiane, full of excellent wisedomes, as I haue saide, wolde be in a table, in suche a place as a gouer |