THERE is perhaps no instance in modern English history of the termination of a long war, by a treaty which was so generally approved, as that which in the present year restored peace with with France. The long protraction and excessive burdens of that war had rendered every one, capable of feeling for the general interests of his country, impatient to see its close; and if this impatience was most lively in the breasts of those who had, in all its stages, used their efforts to bring it to a conclusion, they, on the other hand, who were attached to the administration by which it was actually concluded, could not fail to regard the work as a subject of applause. Hence, when the topic was introduced in both houses of parliament it gave rise to conversations rather than debates; some account of which, however, may justly be expected in the history of the year, as being, of itself, a matter well worthy of record.

On the 28th of June, Lord Lonsdale rose in the house of lords to move an address to the prince-regent, thanking him for the communication of the treaty of peace with France, and assuring his royal highness of the approbation with which the treaty was regarded by their lordships, as safe and honorable to all. His lordship then lightly touched upon the principal circumstances of the treaty, and concluded with moving the address. He was seconded by Lord Dustanville in a similar recapitulation.

Lord Grenville said, that if he found any difficulty in cordially concurring in the address which had been moved, it arose from the article concerning the slave-trade; but as he had already expressed in that house his sentiments on this point, he would not disturb the unanimity which he wished to appear in approbation of the treaty. He then took a general view of the political state in which Europe was left by it, and particularly rejoiced at the recognition by his majesty's government of the principle of restoration, instead of that of partition, which had led to so many evils. His lordship concluded with hoping that the military establishment would now be reduced to what it was before the commencement of the war in 1791.

The Earl of Liverpool said, he should trouble their lordships only with a few words on the ge

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neral principle and stipulations of the treaty. In BOOK XIL the negociation it was necessary to adopt one of two principles; either a general Congress must CHAP. VI. be resorted to, or a treaty must be made between the allies and France. As great delay must have arisen from the former plan, and the principal and immediate object was settling the boundaries and claims of France, which it was necessary to do while the allied armies remained in that country, the latter had been preferred, leaving the more complicated interests to be settled at a future Congress. The next point to which he would advert, was the principle by which the allies had been guided in the negociation, which was, that no peace with France could be secure or lasting which did not leave the honor and independence of the country inviolate. With the conquests she had made, and the military spirit she had imbibed, it was not to be wondered at that she had required and obtained something beyond her ancient territory. His lordship then enumerated the cessions which had been made to France, and the acquisitions which we had retained, and gave the reasons for both. He lastly considered that part of the address which declared that we had attained the great objects of the war. What were those objects? In 1793 we had entered into the war to defend Holland from the invasion of the French. That ally was now restored to independence under the house of Orange. During the whole course of the war the balance of Europe was the wished-for end of our exertions: it was now secured by the reduction of the power of France within reasonable limits. The restoration of the Bourbons had never been the object of ministers, yet he was convinced that we could have had no satisfactory peace with any other government in that country. At the conclusion of former wars we had sometimes abandoned our allies, and consulted only our own interests: the present peace was made in conjunction with them, and their full approbation and gratitude for our services. Never did the character of Great Britain stand so high as at the present mo

ment.

The address was agreed to, nem. con.

On the 29th, Lord Lascelles moved, in the house of commons, an address to the prince-re gent on the peace with France. The introduc

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BOOK XII. tory speech was similar to that on the same occasion in the house of lords; and the tenor of the address was to express satisfaction with the peace, as having fully accomplished the great objects of the war; and by the restoration of so many legitimate authorities on the continent, afforded the best prospect of permanent tranquillity to Europe. The motion was seconded by Mr. Gooch, who added to the sentiments of the former speaker, that" to the principles of Mr. Pitt the successful issue of the war was due.”

Sir John Newport noticed the impropriety of introducing topics which could not but create dissent. What connection the Duke of Wellington had with the principles of Mr. Pitt he could not discover. Instead of the unvaried system on which, according to the mover and seconder, the war had been conducted, he thought there never was a war, the grounds of which, during the contest, had been so often changed. With respect to the declaration in the address, "that the treaty was considerate for the interests and the honor of all," he said, that the interests of our fisheries had certainly been neglected in the 13th article of the treaty, which resigned the most important parts of the coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, and the river St. Laurence.

Mr. Rose asserted, that more concessions to France with respect to the fisheries had not been made by this treaty than by former treaties with that country; and he pronounced the honorable baronet's statements on this head to be altogether visionary.

Mr. Wilberforce spoke much in favor of the general spirit of the treaty, and particularly commended that article by which it was stipulated that no persons belonging to the ceded countries, or any others, should be molested for any opinions or conduct which they had adopted under a different government. He was the more anxious to refer to this stipulation on account of the affecting intelligence from Spain, where many of the noblest characters in the late government lay under a severe persecution; and he instanced Signor Arguelles, from whom he had some time before received a letter, mentioning his intention of moving in the cortes the abolition of the slave-trade. This led the honorable gentleman to allude to that article of the treaty on which he had already expressed his opinion; and as he did not wish to disturb the unanimity of parliament, yet was desirous of preserving his own feelings from misconstruction, he would propose the following clause as an amendment to be inserted in the address: "That, with reference to the first additional article, this house having, on the 21st instant, humbly conveyed its sentiments to his royal highness, we defer the expression of any farther opinion until the whole matter shall have been discussed and settled at the approaching Congress,

to which it is stipulated to be referred under the said article; relying on the known justice and humanity of his royal highness, that no effort will be wanting on his part to give the fullest and speediest effect which the circumstances of the negociation may allow, to the wishes so repeatedly declared by us, for the total abolition of the slave-trade."

Lord Castlereagh had no objection to the amendment, and it was ordered to stand as part of the motion, nem. con.

Mr. Baring said, that instead of being partial to the system of Mr. Pitt, he could not but consider the false policy pursued by this country in his time, as the sole cause of producing that military monster which the united efforts of the allied powers had at length succeeded in crushing. He gave credit to his majesty's ministersfor the wisdom which had directed their co-operation on the late occasions, and was ready to admit, that the country had nothing to complain of in the commercial regulations of the treaty. He thought, however, we had been somewhat too liberal in what we had given up; and he made observations on some particular points of the treaty.

Mr. Stuart Wortley entirely concurred in the opinion that the war had the same object from the beginning to the end; for the three distinct objects which had been assigned to different periods were in fact one and the same.

Mr. J. P. Grant said, that he differed from the last speaker. We had not put down French principles by our opposition to them, but they had put themselves down by being incompatible with human nature. We had procured no, indemnity for the past, though we had procured security for the future, which, indeed, was the only security that a wise government would look for. The overthrow of Bonaparte was not owing solely to this country or its allies, but was owing more to himself than to any resistance which had been made to him. The honorable gentleman then made some strictures on the treaty, particularly the support given to the claim of Sweden upon Norway, and the acquiescence in the slavetrade.

Mr. Canning was of opinion that it was the most glorious treaty that England had ever concluded. The prospect which the treaty held out in the settlement of the ancient governments of Europe, in the restoration of genuine tranquillity, was peculiarly cheering to every friend of humanity, of social order, and rational liberty. Thus the great objects of the war, which, overleaping the truce of Amiens, had for twenty years been steadily and uniformly pursued, were at length happily attained. Thus the principles which the war was undertaken were established-thus our pledges were redeemed-thus

upon

Mr. Ponsonby was of opinion, that a treaty which had such an article in it about the slavetrade, could never be termed an honorable one. He alluded to the partition of Poland, and hoped that the nations of Europe would see the justice and policy of returning to the condition they were in before that partition, which first endangered the peace of Europe: Bonaparte's system was not a bit more mischievous than that which dictated the partition of Poland: it was indeed The treaty itself, as far as it related to this country and France, he entirely approved.

the

same. very

Mr. Whitbread avowed, that in every respect, except that article which regarded the slavetrade, and to which the noble lord ought never to have put his name, the noble lord (Castlereagh) had fully and completely deserved that confidence which he had reposed in him. There was one part of his history which, in his (Mr. W.'s) opinion, redounded more to his honor than all the rest of that important business, which (except in the article already alluded to) he had brought to so glorious an issue-and that was, that when he went to negociate, he fairly tried the experiment of doing so with the then ruler of France; and though the papers had not been produced, he (Mr. W.) was fully convinced the negociation at Chatillon had been broken off only in consequence of the folly, madness, or what else, of Bonaparte himself. He (Mr. W.) had often recommended to ministers to make a peace with the ruler of France, if that could be done: there was no evidence of the impracticability of such a measure till the noble lord had tried it: being then found impracticable, no man rejoiced more in the restoration of the Bourbons, coupled as it was with the safety of Paris from destruction, than he did. With respect to the treaty which the noble lord had concluded, except in the article regarding the slave-trade, it met with his (Mr. W.'s) approbation. The honorable gentleman then went on to point out a number of questions which would necessarily come to be considered at the approaching Congress; particularly the partition of Poland-that touchstone of the real magnanimity of kings-the spoliation of Sardinia-the integrity of Genoa, for which the faith of Great Britain was pledged-the article for the subjugation of Norway-and the cession of GuadaToupe to France, that island, and the permission to carry on the slave-trade, being granted to France, in order to procure her concurrence and

Russia seemed to have given her assistance in BOOK XÌ. the same measure, as a consideration for her right to retain Finland.

Lord Castlereagh commenced a speech with expressing his gratitude for the candour and liberality with which he had been treated by the house, both during his absence from it, and now upon his return. He then entered upon such explanations as might be expected from him, relative to the treaty in which he had been instrumental. With respect to the negociations at Chatillon, he could confidently assert, from the means of information afforded during their course, that the mind of the individual who then ruled France was so deeply wounded by the transactions which had occurred, that no secure or durable peace could have been made with him. He had, however, felt satisfied, that as long as this person should continue de facto at the head of the French government, there was no other alternative than to treat with him. The house would remember, that he (Lord C.) had gone expressly to treat with bim, in conjunction with our allies. The projet which they gave in at Chatillon was framed after he had been successively victorious in five engagements, and when a considerable uncertainty prevailed as to the final issue of the campaign. At the same moment the allied powers entered into that solemn compact at Chaumont, by which four of them engaged to bring into the field 600,000 men; the most important contract that perhaps the history of European diplomacy could furnish. An impression had gone abroad, that the negociations at Chatillon had been broken off in consequence of the transactions which had taken place at Bourdeaux ; but this was entirely unfounded. These events were indeed known at Chatillon, but the progress of the negociations was not suspended until the allies were clearly convinced that Bonaparte was trifling with them. His lordship then proceeded to state the principles by which Great Britain had been guided in negociating the treaty under consideration. He said, the language uniformly held by this country to the continent had been, that if the people of Europe were willing to fight for their own liberties, England would stand by them; but if they shrunk from the contest, then England was determined to do justice to herself, and provide by her own strength for her own security. He then went through the particulars of the treaty with France, which it is unnecessary here to repeat; and he expressed liberal sentiments on the prospect offered of future amity and good-will between the two countries. "If," said he, " no other blessing had been derived from all that has happened, it would be no unsatisfactory one to feel that the spell is dissolved by which Great

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BOOK XII. rily enemies." His lordship concluded a speech, which appeared to obtain the general applause of CHAP. VI. the house, by a compliment to the vigorous and stedfast conduct of the prince-regent at this momentous period; and the address, as amended, was agreed to without opposition.

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While we are observing the proceedings in parliament on the conclusion of the war, it may be proper to notice the introduction of the Duke of Wellington into the house of lords, after his return from the continent.

On the 28th of June, soon after the lord-chancellor had taken his seat, and a numerous assemblage of peers were present, the illustrious Wellington was introduced with every possible splendour and formality which the occasion admitted, and which he so justly merited. The Duke of Wellington entered, supported by the Dukes of Richmond and Beaufort, in military uniform, and in their ducal robes. Being arrived in the body of the house, the duke made the usual obeisance to the lord-chancellor, and shewed his patent and right of summons: the illustrious personage then approached the table, where his grace's various patents, as viscount, earl, marquis, and lastly as duke, were each read by the clerks. The oaths were then administered, and the testrolls were signed by him. He then, accompanied by his noble supporters, took his seat on the duke's bench, and saluted the house in the usual manner, by rising, taking off his hat, and bowing respectfully.

The lord-chancellor then rose, and pursuant to their lordship's order, addressed his grace.

"My Lord Duke of Wellington, "In obedience to the commands of their lordships, I have on this occasion to communicate to your grace the thanks of this house, and the cordial congratulations of their lordships, on your return from your continental service, and on your introduction to a seat of the very highest rank and dignity in this house. Those high and distinguished honors have been well and eminently merited by your grace, by a long series of splendid and signal services, performed in various places and situations, but more especially on the continent of Europe. The cordial and applauding thanks of this house, the highest honorary distinction in the power of their lordships to bestow, have not only been most frequently and repeatedly voted to you, with the most perfect unanimity, but your grace has had the additional satisfaction of being the medium and channel through which the like honors have been conveyed, at various periods, to other gallant and meritorious officers, who commensurately distinguished themselves under your grace's direction and command. In the instance of your grace alse, is to be seen the first and most honorable dis

tinction of a member of this house, being at his first introduction placed in the very highest and most distinguished rank among their lordships, and in the peerage. No language, no expression of mine, however fully I feel impressed with their magnitude and importance, can do justice to your great and unparalleled services and merits; their nature and character are such as will render the name of Wellington immortal, and will constitute one of the most brilliant epochs in the history of this country. They have been frequently and justly felt by this house, and repeatedly made the subject of its thanks and its applause. In the sentiments so often and so justly expressed by the house, I have, for my own humble part, most fully and most cordially participated. The wisdom, gallantry, and exertions so frequently displayed by your grace, in a long series of services in the kingdoms of Portugal and Spain, are beyond any language I can use to characterise or express. Your freeing the kingdom of Portugal from the arm and power of France-your glorious career of victory, in subduing, on various occasions, and pursuing the enemy through the territory of Spain, more especially on the signal occasions of the victories of Salamanca and Vittoria, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, and other mighty fortresses, will be luminously inscribed in the page of British history, as well as your subsequent successes, by which you led on your allied forces until you had established them far within the territories of France. Great and important as these services are in themselves, their consequences are incalculable, with reference not only to their so greatly contributing to secure the prosperity and tranquillity of your own country, but to the peace, the happiness, the independence of Europe at large, by infusing the spirit of resistance, and enabling other countries to place themselves in that state which enabled them successfully to resist the influence and the power of the common enemy. You will have the heartfelt, the glorious satisfaction, of considering yourself as principally instrumental in the achievement of this great work, and for all which I feel a conscious pride and satisfaction in being the organ of communicating in person, and on this auspicious occasion, the recent vote of thanks of this house, which I am thus directed to pronounce-That the thanks and congratulations of this house be given to field-marshal the Duke of Wellington, on his return from his command on the continent of Europe, and for the great, signal, and eminent services which he has so repeatedly rendered therein to his majesty and to the public.”

The duke, evidently under strong and laudable feelings of embarrassment, proceeded to answer the address to the following effect:

" He assured his lordship and the house, that

he felt himself overwhelmed by the strength of his feelings, as occasioned by what he must consider as the very flattering language far beyond his personal merits, in the expressions of their lordships' favor and approbation, as conveyed to him that day, for which he had to tender his most sincere and grateful thanks. The successes which had attended his humble, but zealous efforts, in the service of his country, he had principally to attribute to the ample support which he had received from his prince, his government, and the country, and also to the zealous co-operation and assistance which he had received from his gallant and meritorious companions in arms, and the valour and exertions of that army which he had the honor to command. The support which he had thus received encouraged and excited him, and gave rise to that conduct, of which, by the favor of parliament, its unanimous approbation and applause had been pronounced. For those honors, and to that of the other house of parliament, he felt most gratefully indebted. These, together with the very kind and flattering manner in which the noble lord was pleased to express himself, he repeated, were sufficient to overwhelm one who felt unconscious of deserving such a degree of panegyric and eulogium. He would assure their lordships he had endeavoured to serve his country and his prince to the very best of his power and ability, and that he would always endeavour so to do whenever occasion might require it, in the best manner in which his limited capacity would allow him." (Loud and repeated cheers.)

His grace then retired to unrobe. He wore a field-marshal's uniform, with his insignia of the garter, and looked remarkably well; on his return into the house, he sat for a few minutes on the extremity of one of the benches, and then retired for the evening.

Their graces the Duchesses of Richmond and Wellington were present on this auspicious occasion, as were the Countess Dowager of Mornington and Lady Charlotte Lennox.

The house of commons also resolved to pay the duke the highest tribute of respect and applause that it was possible to bestow on a subject, that of its thanks, accompanied with a deputation of its members to congratulate him on his return to England. On the 27th of June, Lord Castlereagh rose in the house to make a motion for this purpose, which was unanimously agreed to, and a committee was appointed to wait on his grace, to know what time he would name for receiving the congratulations of the house. Un the 30th, Lord Castlereagh stated, in the house, that the committee appointed to wait on the Duke of Wellington had performed their duty. His grace expressed himself highly gratified by the appro

bation which his conduct had met with, and was BOOK XII. desirous to receive their thanks at the bar of the house, at such time as the house deemed most CHAP. VI. convenient. (Hear, hear.)

Lord Castlereagh then gave notice, that he would, to-morrow, the 1st of July, at a quarter before five o'clock, move that the Duke of Wellington be called in.-(Hear, hear.)

The speaker,-"This is a notice to all the members of the committee, that the noble lord will, to-morrow, at the hour here stated, move that the Duke of Wellington be called in to receive the thanks of the house."

Next day, at a quarter before five o'clock, the speaker being dressed in his official robes, and the house crowded with members, Lord Castlereagh rose to state, that in consequence of the intimation of the house, his grace the Duke of Wellington was in attendance, (Hear, hear, hear!) The speaker,-"Is it the pleasure of the house that his grace be called in?"

A loud and universal" Aye!"

The huzzas in the lobby announced his grace's approach. On his entrance, dressed in his fieldmarshal's uniform, profusely decorated with military orders, and bowing repeatedly and respectfully to the house, all the members uncovered, rose, and enthusiastically cheered him.

The speaker,-"My Lord, the house has ordered a chair to be placed for you to repose on."

The duke seated himself in the chair, which was placed a few feet within the bar, and put his hat on. The members of the house then seating themselves, his grace instantly rose, took off his bat, and addressed the speaker to the following effect:

"Mr. Speaker, I was anxious to be permitted to attend this house, in order to return my thanks in person for the honor done me, in deputing a committee of the house to congratulate me on my return to this country; after the house had animated my exertions by their applause, on every occasion that appeared to them to merit their approbation; and after they had recently been so liberal in the bill by which they followed up the gracious favor of his royal highness the prince-regent, in conferring upon me the noblest gift a subject has ever received.

"I hope I shall not be thought presumptuous if I take this opportunity of expressing my admiration of the great efforts made by this house, and by the country, at the moment of unexampled pressure and difficulty, in order to support, on a great scale, those operations by which the contest in which we were engaged has been brought to so fortunate a conclusion. By the wise policy of parliament, government were enabled to give the necessary support to the operations carried on

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