BOOK XIII. property of the state would not suffice to purchase bread-corn for it, even had it been possible to get it sent thither.

CHAP. I.

1814.

We believed that we could not justify ourselves, either before God or man, if we exposed a noble nation to a misfortune which exceeds every other, and which even the sword could not have averted, even if surrounded by our brave troops, according to their wish, and that of all our subjects, we had engaged in the contest, not with. one, but with many combined enemies, far superior in strength. The force already opposed to us, and that which might still be opposed to us, was not to be calculated. Even a victory could not save the whole; and defeat would have brought on greater evils, and rendered all farther negociations impossible.

"In such a desperate situation, which a tedious defensive war, and at last the universal, alldevouring flame of war, which has spread over Europe, has occasioned, and which in such extraordinary adverse circumstances all our care for the welfare of our faithful subjects has not been able to avert, we have been compelled to embrace the only means which presented itself to save Norway from famine; while Denmark, contending against a superior force, bore alone the burden of the contest, and was exposed to its consequences. Under the pressure of this concurrence of unhappy events, we have been obliged to cede to the Swedish crown the right to the kingdom of Norway, which we inherited from our

ancestors.

"We refrain from describing the melancholy feelings with which we are penetrated at this violent dissolution of the bond of union between the two kingdoms. Every Dane, every Norwegian, will judge of them by his own. The fate of empires is in the hand of Providence.

66

During the seven years that the conflict has lasted, we have neglected nothing to preserve the bond which was made sacred by the lapse of so many centuries, and by the fidelity of the Norwegians. The first injury it received was when the state was deprived of its fleet, and with that, of the means of enabling one kingdom to assist the other. The combination of all the powers that surround the monarchy has promoted the violent dissolution.

"We have, however, provided, that under the government which takes our place, every inhabitant of Norway, according to his rank and condition, shall enjoy and preserve the rights and privileges which he now possesses.

"We never can, never will, forget the loyalty and attachment to us and our house, of which the noble people of Norway, at all times, and under all circumstances, have given such affecting proofs. So long as loyalty shall be held a virtue in nations, so long will the Norwegians be named

as those who equalled or surpassed every other in the practice of this virtue.

"We and our ancestors have ever governed Norway with paternal regard. In the latter years of distress, Denmark willingly gave the corn which its Norwegian brethren were in want of.

"It is our most sincere desire, that happiness and prosperity may, to the most distant ages, be the lot of the brave and generous Norwegian people."

There was good reason to apprehend that the cession of Norway would not be palatable to the Norwegians. Indeed, the people of Norway are well known to possess a high and independent spirit; and though they have long ceased to constitute a separate nation, and have been annexed to a monarchy which circumstances have rendered nearly absolute, they have been able to preserve constitutional privileges which, combined with their detached situation from the seat of government, have secured to them a considerable share of practical freedom. It was scarcely to be expected, that such a people would readily submit to be transformed, without asking their consent, to a new master; especially to the sove reign of a country against which that national enmity had been long fostered which usually exists between bordering neighbours. This dislike, too, had recently been aggravated by the severe policy of Sweden, in intercepting all supplies of provision to Norway after a year of scarcity, the consequence of which is said to have been the death of 5,000 persous, in the diocese of Drontheim, of famine and disease.

The governor of Norway, at this period, was Christian Frederic, hereditary Prince of Denmark, and Duke of Sleswig Holstein, a prince of an active and enterprising character. An officer having arrived on the 18th of January, with the ratification of the treaty between Sweden and Denmark, the prince repaired to the country-seat of the chamberlain, Mr. Carsten Anker, near Christiania; and on the 28th he assembled the most considerable persons, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, together with the merchants and deputies who were met to regulate the affairs of the national bank. After laying before them the treaty, he asked if it was their opinion, that the people of Norway was disposed to assert their ancient independence against the claims of Sweden. Their answer was, unanimously, in the affirmative; and they earnestly besought the prince to remain at the head of the government, resolving, at the same time, to effect his nomination to the title of Prince-regent of Norway. It is probable the prince had already settled his plan, for he imme diately proceeded to the frontiers, thence to Roraas, and, finally, across the mountains to Drontheim. He was every where met by the people

from the hills and vallies in crowds, accompanied by their wives and children, who exclaimed, "We will conquer or die for old Norway's free dom;" adding, in their plain and affectionate mode of address, "Thou shalt not leave us." On arriving at Gulbrandsthal, a pass famous for the extermination of a band of Swedish invaders by the mountaineers, the prince alighted at the marble pillar commemorating the event; and having read aloud the inscription in the words of an old ballad," Woe to every Norwegian whose blood does not boil in his veins at the view of this monument!" he asked the surrounding peasants, if they were willing to imitate this noble example? and was answered by a thousand consent ing shouts. Entering Drontheim, be alighted at the house of General Von Krogh, where the principal citizens were assembled at a solemn entertainment. The venerable host, eighty years of age, was unable, through infirmity, to join the company; but he caused himself to be led in at the close of the entertainment, and amidst universal acclamations drank the health of Christian, as regent. The prince, after a stay of four days at Drontheim, returned to Christiania.

The next day all the bells of the city were rung, and the cannon were fired; the town-guards and troops paraded the streets, and Prince Christian repaired to the principal church, where he took an oath as Regent of Norway. On the 19th of February, the Danish flag was taken down, a funeral dirge playing the while, and the Norwegian colours were hoisted amidst loud acclamations. A council of state, consisting of seventeen persons, was appointed, and the prince issued proclamations to the people of Norway, to the bishops, the civil officers, the army and navy, a circular letter to the clergy, and an address, in the French language, to all Europe. An assembly of the states was convoked to meet on the 10th of April, which was to give Norway a representative constitution, under an hereditary monarchy. The following is the proclamation to the people:

66

Norwegians,-You have been informed, that his majesty King Frederick VI., notwithstanding the love he bears you, (which we have thankfully to acknowledge,) has been compelled, by the intrigues of the Swedish government, supported by numerous armies, to renounce his claims to the throne of Norway.

"With rage you have heard, that you are surrendered to a government which has entertained the ignominious thought, that flattering words and vain promises could induce you to infidelity towards your king; even so, as when they, in the midst of peace, wantonly exercised the barbarous enmity of endeavouring to starve you, and thereby shake your courage, which they knew ever to have been undaunted. She now conceives you capable of the weakness, that you would expose

CHAP. I.

1814.

yourselves to the same unfortunate fate and yoke BOOK XIIIunder which Sweden's sons groan, to answer the ambition of a stranger, and fight abroad for foreign money! But the free people of Norway can fix their own destiny! Swear to found the independence of Norway! Call God to witness!! your sincerity, and supplicate the benediction of heaven on your dear country. It is God's will, loyal Norwegians, that I, the hereditary-prince of Denmark's throne, should be at this conjuncture amongst you, that through the harmony which reigns in your hearts you may be saved.

"I have heard the public voice for indepen dence, for serious and unlimited resistance against foreign violence. Inspired as I am for Norway's happiness and honor, it is a sufficient inducement to me to remain amongst this faithful people, as long as I can be useful to their independence, and maintain tranquillity and order. Appointed by Providence to conduct at present the reins of this realm, I shall protect, with a firm hand, and without regarding dangers or difficulties, the security of Norway and its laws.

"An independent assembly of the most enlightened men of the nation, shall, by means of a wise constitution, give renewed strength to this country, in order to withstand its public and private enemies, and it will depend upon them whether I shall continue the trust now reposed in me by the wish of the nation.

"Beloved people of Norway, I have already received numerous proofs of your attachment and confidence. I shall ever feel myself happy and safe amongst you. I shall strive to revive your commerce, the sources of opulence. Nothing will be nearer to my heart than to keep far from you the scenes of raging war: but when foreign force attempts to violate the liberty and independence of this state, then we shall evince that there is sufficient power within us to revenge insults, and courage to prefer death to shameful subjugation. Grief and affliction we will readily overcome, if implacable enemies refuse us peace. Within this state but one sentiment must prevail, -to make every sacrifice for our country,-to preserve Norway's honor, and give it its ancient brilliancy. Our efforts will then be crowned by God with success, and Norway will again confirm the truth, that that nation is invincible which fears God and adheres with zeal to its native country."

At the same time, he issued another proclamation, respecting the relation which was to exist between Norway and other powers.

"Christiania, Feb. 16, 1814. "I, Christian Frederick, Regent of Norway, Prince of Denmark, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, make known, that as well myself as the nation at large, consider it as a great favor on the part of

1. "Norway is at peace with all powers. That power only is its enemy which may violate the independence of the nation, and invade with arms in their hands the borders or coasts of Norway.

2. "Free access to the kingdom of Norway is allowed to the ships of war and merchant-vessels of every nation.

3. "The regulations respecting privateers and their prizes, of March 28, 1810, and supplements of 27th of August and December, are hereby annulled, and to be considered as having not been in effect since the 14th of January last. Any thing done since then, founded on these regulations, is

revoked.

4. "All prizes or property, condemned or confiscated since the 14th of January, shall immediately be restored.

5. All the privateers of foreign powers shall leave our ports within fourteen days immediately after these presents are known in the respective ports. All prizes shall be restored.

6. "All prisoners shall be delivered up en masse, and the private debts of the prisoners of Norway shall be paid.

7. "Ships of any nation whatsoever, importing in the kingdom of Norway two-thirds of their cargoes in grain, or other provisions, are allowed, (any law or regulations to the contrary notwithstanding,) to import any merchandizes they think proper, paying the customary duties. In this last

case even

8. "Fish will be allowed to be exported in such vessel, to the extent of two-thirds of its cargo.

Proclamation to the Soldiers. "The Norwegian nation places its hopes on you, brave warriors, for a happy conclusion of the conflict in which we willingly engage for the country. The first condition of the surrender of Norway was the delivery of all the fortresses and warlike stores to the Swedes. Then you would have been required to lay down your arms; but this shall not be. Norway exists by your valour. The aged women and children live secure among the Norwegian mountains, defended by Norway's brave sons, led by your regent and revered commander. Victory and liberty, or death--be our motto. My lot is inseparable from your's. My confidence is your unanimity; my hope, God; my reward, your love."

On the 24th of February, the Swedish count, Axel Rosen, appeared at Christiania, commission ed to put in execution the treaty of peace between Denmark and Sweden. He was introduced to

Prince Christian, in presence of the chief officers of state, when he exhibited his powers as plenipotentiary, and as bearer of the proclamation of the King of Sweden to the people of Norway. The prince said,

"In the present situation of affairs, I cannot receive this proclamation of his Swedish, majesty to the Norwegians, and must, in lieu of all other an swer, communicate to you the declaration which I bave made in the face of all Europe, and which I shall not fail to communicate likewise to his Swedish majesty."

Then the prince read his declaration of the 19th of February, by which Norway declares itself independent; and then he added the solemn

assurance,

"That the Norwegian nation considered itself as at peace with all other nations, and would regard as its enemy only that which should violate its rights."

Count Rosen.-" After such an unexpected declaration as that which I have just heard, nothing remains for me to do but to return immediately, and I beg your royal highness's permission to do so."

The Prince." Before we part, count, permit me to ask you, not as a prince, but as a Norwegian speaking to a Swede, this one questionMust we not take it for granted, that the King of Sweden desires the good of a nation which he wishes to possess?"

Count R.- Undoubtedly, your royal highness; if I had been received in another manner, I should have shewn that I have ample proofs in my hands."

The Prince.-"But on this supposition, must not the national opinion, the general will, be consulted to learn what we consider as happiness?"

Count R.-" His majesty would have done this through the medium of his governor-general."

The Prince." But first of all, the nation should be gained and what means has the Swedish government employed? It had formed the plan of starving the nation whom it wished to gain.

Count R. "I cannot judge of the means which his majesty and the crown-prince have thought fit to employ."

The Prince.-" And what has been the consequence?-That the national opinion, or the national hatred, to call it by its right name, has risen to the highest pitch; and that the strictest measures of the government can alone hinder it from breaking out. But since the King of Sweden has sent us so enlightened a man as you, count, I will request you to convince yourself of the national opinion, and to give a faithful account of it to your king. This might, perhaps, make a desirable impression on a sovereign who can desire nothing except the welfare of his people.

I wish nothing so much as peace with Sweden; and intended to send Count Schmettau to Stockholm for this purpose. Have the goodness to use your influence to procure a passport for him." Count R.-"The king, my master, would certainly not allow me to take a commission from your royal highness; you will therefore permit me to withdraw, and to express to your royal highness my regret at not being able to express my respect for your royal highness under happier

circumstances.

The Prince." I am sorry, count, that you must so soon leave us, and beg you to be convinced that you shall always be welcome in Norway as a Swede, who will be our friend, and recognize our rights."

Thereupon Count Rosen left the audience-room. The prince afterwards wrote a letter to the King of Sweden, enclosing his declaration, and stating the motives of his conduct.

The proclamation of the King of Sweden to the Norwegians above alluded to, contained an engagement of leaving to the nation the power of establishing a constitution on the basis of national representation, and the right of taxing itself, and affirmed his determination not to amalgamate the finances of the two countries.

The King of Denmark, probably conscious of lying under the suspicion of having secretly fomented this spirit of resistance to a compulsory treaty, addressed the following letter to the magistrates and people of Norway :-"The situation in which Denmark and Norway were at the end of last year, made it our duty as sovereign to give up one of the sister kingdoms to prevent the ruin of both.

"The treaty of peace concluded at Kiel, on the 14th of January, this year, was the consequence. By this we gave the solemn promise, which never has been, nor shall be broken on our side, to renounce all our claims to Norway, and to appoint commissioners to deliver the fortresses, the public money, domains, &c. to the Plenipotentiaries named by the King of Sweden. We commanded his highness Prince Christian, then governor of Norway, to execute in our name what we had promised. We gave him the most positive instructions, and, on the 19th of January, gave him our royal full powers for the persons whom he should appoint to execute the treaty. Then we released all the inhabitants of Norway from their allegiance, and impressed on them the duties which for the future they owed to the King of Sweden.

"We have learned, with heartfelt grief, that our nearest and most beloved relation, to whom we gave the government of Norway with unlimited confidence, instead of executiug our commands, has ventured to neglect them, and even to declare Norway an independent kingdom, and himself the regent of it; to refuse to give up what

CHAP. I.

the treaty, to demand; and, finally, that he has BOOK XIII. even seized upon our ships-of-war which were in the harbours of Norway, has taken down the Danish flag, and hoisted another in its stead, and arrested their commanders, our servants.

"Since, after the treaty of peace which we have signed, and the renunciation of our claims on Norway, we neither do nor will acknowledge in that kingdom any other authority than that of his majesty the King of Sweden, we cannot but be highly displeased at what has been done there, contrary to the treaty and our express orders; and the more so, as every civil officer, from the highest to the lowest, who had been appointed by us, as well as every other of our subjects in Norway, is released from his allegiance and duties towards us, on the sole condition of fulfilling, as far as he is concerned, the stipulations of the treaty of treaty of peace.

"At the same time that we make this known, we forbid every one of the officers whom we have nominated in Norway to accept or to retain any employment whatever in that kingdom in its present state; we recal all the civil officers in the kingdom of Norway, who are not natives of that country, and who regard Demark, or any one of the countries belonging to it, as their native country; and command them to return within four weeks from the time when they shall be made acquainted with this letter, under pain of forfeiting our favor, and all the rights, advantages, and privileges, which they do or might enjoy as native Danish subjects.-Given at our court at Copenhagen, April 13, 1814.".

As soon as the Norwegians had gone so far in their opposition to Sweden as to declare themselves independent, and to elect a sovereign, it became necessary for them to seek the means of defending their country from the invasion of the Swedish army. They trusted much to the almost impenetrable nature of their frontier, to which they had been more than once indebted for their protection, and the destruction of the Swedish invading army: but as there was a part of their frontier which was accessible, it was necessary to raise as large an army as possible to defend it.. With a population of 1,000,000 of inhabitants, Norway could raise an abundance of troops; and all ranks and ages, as well as both sexes, seemed animated with a fixed determination to repulse the Swedes, or perish in the attempt. Their regular army amounted to about 30,000 men; but they were half starved, badly armed, and inexperienced. Famine, indeed, was what they most dreaded; and against this they knew they could not protect themselves, if the maritime powers, and especially Great Britain, took an active part against them. But they did hope that Great Britain would assist them; at least they did not doubt but Britain would allow the importation of

1814.

BOOK XIII.

1814.

When the diet met in April, Mr. Anker was deputed to England, with instructions to proCHAP. I. cure, if possible, the accession of Great Britain to the independence of Norway. This gentleman was admitted to a conference with Lord Liverpool, in which that minister stated to him the situation and determination of the British government; and in consequence Mr. Anker was desired to return to Norway. The part taken by the British court was afterwards openly declared in a notification made on the 29th of April, by command of the prince-regent, to the ministers of friendly powers in London, that necessary measures had been taken for a blockade of the ports of Norway by the British navy. The administration was of of rion, that Great Britain having been a party in a uty by which the cession of Norway to Sweden was stipulated, it was incumbent upon her to make use of her power to bring this cession to effect.

Soon after the return of the Swedish commissioner, Count Axel Rosen, the King of Sweden issued the following declaration:-"His majesty the King of Sweden having declared to the people of Norway, by the proclamation addressed to them, that he reserved to them all the essential rights which constitute public liberty, and having engaged himself expressly to leave to the nation the faculty of establishing a constitution analogous to the wants of the country, and founded chiefly upon the two bases of national representation and the right of taxing themselves; these promises are now renewed in the most formal manner. The king will by no means interfere directly in the new constitutional act of Norway, which must, however, be submitted for his acceptance. He wishes only to trace the first lines of its foundation, leaving to the people the right of erecting the rest of the building.

"His majesty is also invariably determined not to amalgamate the financial systems of the two countries. In consequence of this principle, the debts of the two crowns shall remain always separate from each other, and no tax shall be collected in Norway for the purpose of paying the debts of Sweden, and vice versa. The intention of his majesty is not to suffer the revenue of Norway to be sent out of the country. The expense of adminstration being deducted, the rest shall be employed in objects of general utility, and in a sinking-fund for the extermination of the national debt."

The conciliatory measures adopted by the Swedish government had a visible effect upon the minds of the Norwegians, who began to split into different parties. Some persons, dreading the approaching conflict, were inclined to submission to Sweden. The majority, however, were attached to the cause of national independence, but looked to Prince Christian as the head under whom it was to be established and maintained.

During the meeting of the diet, these different opinions were brought forward; but a great majority concurred in placing the crown of Norway upon the head of Christian, with descent to his posterity. The legislative power in the new constitution was given to an assembly consisting solely of landed proprietors. The new king was proclaimed on the 19th of April, when he dissolved the diet with a speech. This decisive step committed the nation to a determined resistance to the coercive transfer of their country, and to all the attempts of the allied powers for persuading or intimidating the Norwegians into submission. One of them was made by the Prince-regent of England, who dispatched, in the beginning of June, Mr. Morier, as envoy to Norway. That gentleman, finding that the diet had been dismissed before his arrival at Christiania, put a declaration into the hands of the government then established, but without recognizing its legitimacy, mentioning that the object of his mission was to explain to Prince Christian and the Norwegians the situation of the British government with respect to its engagements with Sweden and the allied powers, and its determination to act up to them with sincerity and vigour. The minister of Prince Christian immediately returned an answer to Mr. Morier's declaration, in the form of a state paper. As it is a most interesting document, we shall lay it before our readers.

Answer to Mr. Morier's Declaration. "The undersigned, secretary of state to his majesty, has had the honor to receive the letter sent under cover to him, and although you are not willing to accept any official answer from a government whose authority and legality you do not acknowledge, you will permit me, in reply to the said letter, to communicate what I know his majesty my most gracious sovereign wishes you, as the envoy of his royal highness the princeregent, particularly to notice, in judging of the conduct of the Norwegian people and his majesty towards Great Britain.

"The Norwegian nation has always regarded England as its best friend and natural ally. In the treaty between Sweden and England, respecting the annexation of Norway, the English government exhibited a regard for the liberty and happiness of the Norwegians, which was sincerely estimated, and served to encourage a hope that England would never lose sight of what this liberty and happiness consisted of, especially as the ministers had expressly declared, that they had not guaranteed Norway to Sweden: that is to say, they had not guaranteed the loss of that country's freedom and happiness. It was consequently to be hoped, and the Norwegian people did hope, that Great Britain would have proved a friend and protector, who, in securing to the Norwegians the possession of this benefit, would first examine into what it consisted of; and if it