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could be accomplished by their being subjected
to a state whose government has ill-treated the
Norwegians, by even, in a time of peace, esta-
blishing a most oppressive and disgraceful system
of starving a whole nation, and which has served
to increase that national hatred which, as is well
known, exists between both neighbours. After
such treatment, it is scarcely necessary to pro-
duce any other evidence to contradict the asser-
tion of the Crown-prince of Sweden, that the
Norwegians wished nothing more than to be
united with Sweden under his benevolent guid-
ance. Both you
and your government will feel
it incumbent to examine into these truths, for the
purpose of laying the foundation for a strong
mediation between Norway and Sweden: the
most honorable office a great state can undertake,
when it is influenced by principles founded upon
the rights of nations, and a generous policy.

"The proceedings of the diet, and the universal sentiment of the people, will prove to you that a subjection to Sweden, such as is contemplated in the treaty of Kiel, was totally incompatible with the happiness and liberty of the Norwegians; and every Englishman, every one that feels warmly in favor of freedom and national worth, will not be surprised that a nation, who never acknowledged itself to be a province of Denmark, but as a separate and freely united kingdom, should refuse to allow itself to be given away as moveable property or any other transferrable thing: the Spanish nation would not submit to this degradation, and was supported by England in her glorious opposition to the efforts of tyranny.

"The national feeling, though noble, would, without a director, have produced anarchy and confusion, as no Norwegian would have submitted without resistance to the entrance of the Swedish troops into the country. It was this considerIt was this consideration that induced the then stadtholder, Prince Christian, of Denmark, to take upon him the management of the state, and as regent to watch over the internal tranquillity and external safety of the kingdom. He acknowledged that the rights of the people were given back to them by the King of Denmark, having discharged them from their oath of allegiance, and assembled a diet, that the representatives of the people might themselves adopt a national constitution. How these representatives appreciated his highness's kindness towards the people, may be judged of by the address that was presented to him on the 11th of April; and, in fact, no Norwegian could possibly mistake his great sacrifices for the state. It will be easy for you to convince yourself of the liberty that reigned in the deliberations of the diet; and evident marks of it appears in the adopted constitution, which is not dictated by an ambitious prince, but formed by men truly desirous of promoting the welfare of their country.

CHAP. I.

1814.

The majority of these men (as is proved by the BOOK XIII.
acts of the diet) saw the necessity for the com-
pletion of the constitution, that the election of a
king should immediately take place; and situated
as the regent was, at the head of a determined
people, fully resolved to risk all in the defence of
their independence and constitution, he had no
other choice than immediately to accept the
crown presented to him by the love and confi-
dence of the people.

"The king has sworn to govern the kingdom of
Norway agreeably to the constitution; and the
diet, at the same time, presented him with an ad-
dress, all of which is communicated to you, and
wherein the nation utters the wish that peace
might be maintained, and mutually beneficial
connections be formed with Sweden'; and ex-
presses its confidence, that the powerful states
who lately with so much exertion and success
have fought for the restoration of peace and tran-
quillity to Europe, would not consent to the sub-
jugation of a people who have given offence to
none, and who only demand what the rights of
nations ought to secure to them-liberty and
peace; at the same time adding its determination,
in case these hopes should be disappointed, to
prefer the sacrifice of their dearest interests, and
even death itself, to slavery.

"His majesty, at the request of the diet, has transmitted this declaration to the different courts, and of course to that of Great Britain; and he cannot doubt but it will be taken into due consideration by a government which represents a people capable of estimating the value of liberty; and who, if placed in the same situation, would most assuredly be prepared to make the same sacrifices as the Norwegians. His majesty is also persuaded, that his royal highness the Prince-regent of Great Britain, who so well knows what is due from a constitutional regent to his people, will not admit that he could ever be capable, of his own authority, of sacrificing the rights of that people, who, with a firm confidence in his integrity, delivered to him the crown. It is only the people themselves that, through their representatives, can undertake to alter the constitution, or allow of the union of Norway with any other kingdom. (Vide Constitution 14 and 110.)

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Every Norwegian, and every Englishman, as well as every one who feels properly for human worth and happiness, must regret that at this period, when the powers of Europe have conquered a continental peace, and restored national liberty, that at this very time the same powers should unite in acting in opposition to principles that hitherto have been their guide, by subduing, at the suggestion of Sweden, a free and respectable people. But as yet, the sword is only half drawn, and the voice of humanity uttered by truth, which may still be heard by Great Britain and the allied

BOOK XIII. powers, will, it is to be hoped, cause them to reflect on the undeserved conduct they are about to adopt toward the people of Norway.

CHAP. I.

1814.

"It must also be acknowledged, that true policy,
and even the welfare of the Swedish nation, urges
the preference of a reasonable arrangement be-
tween Sweden and Norway, whereby liberty and
honor would not be compromised, to the renewal
of a shedding of blood in the North; and in the
persuasion that the Prince-regent of England is
possessed of noble, just, and benevolent princi-
ples, his majesty with the fullest confidence ap-
plies to him to grant his mediation between Nor-
way and Sweden, on a basis whereby the happi-
ness and liberty of the Norwegians would be se-
cured: the Norwegian people and their king
demand only the principles of the rights of na-
tions to be acknowledged, and require that the
events that have taken place in Norway should
be properly known to be justly judged. It is
certainly not the attacked, but those that unjustly
attack, who urge a war.

"In conclusion, permit me, by his majesty's ex-
press command, to add, that if the expected me-
diation of England is not directly in opposition
to the constitution of the kingdom, or the decla-
ration of the diet of the 19th of May, which for
the present are his majesty's undeviating guides,
he will look upon it as his duty to lay before an
assemblage of the states the progress of such me-
diation; but as three or four months would be
required for the assembling of the diet, it would
be necessary to prevent in the mean time all
blood-shed, and which in all probability must be
useless, that Great Britain should use her influ-
ence with Sweden to procure for Norway, what
she has indeed a right to expect from an impar-
tial mediator, a perfect neutrality, free import
and export from and to England, which all Nor-
wegians, accustomed to view the English as their
greatest friends, look upon as their highest ad-
vantage. How happy am I in having this op-
portunity of applying to a man who is a lover of
truth, and whom it is my duty to address with
that sincerity, which is also expressed in the as-
surance of esteem with which I remain,
"Your most obedient servant,

"Christiania, June 8, 1814.

"To J. P. Morier, Esq."

"V. HOLTEN.

A final effort at pacification was made by the allied powers; and, on the 30th of June, the following envoys arrived at Christiania; namely, General Baron de Steigentesch, for Austria; Majorgeneral Orloff, for Russia; Augustus J. Forster, for England; and Major Baron de Martens, for Prussia. Some days afterwards they had an audience of Prince Christian, and, on the 7th of July, presented the following a

Note A.

"The undersigned, charged by their respective courts with a special mission to his highness Prince Christian Frederick, of Denmark, have the honor to address to him the present official note.

"The cession of Norway, produced by the treaty of Kiel, was guaranteed by the four powers, allies of Sweden. That decree of policy was irrevocably fixed. The allied sovereigns consider the union of Norway to Sweden as one of the bases of the new system of equilibrium, as a branch of indemnities which it is impossible to replace by any other.

"The events which latterly occurred in Norway, the opposition which the decision of Europe found there, and the resolution which his highness has taken to put himself at the head of that opposi tion, determined the allies of Sweden to take the necessary steps for effecting the union of Norway. It is with this object that the undersigned have repaired to his highness.

"They are charged to express to him the painful impression which his proceedings have produced on their sovereigns, to summon bim formally to return within the line of his most sacred duties, and to declare to him, that should he refuse to `yield to the general wish of Europe, which recals him to Denmark, an unequal war will arise in the north, and arms will infallibly produce what persuasion has in vain attempted. For this purpose the army of General Count Beningsen, as well as a corps of Prussian troops, have been placed at the disposal of Sweden, and the general blockade of Norway has been resolved upon in common concert with Great Britain.

"At the same time, the King of Denmark compromised in the eyes of monarchs the guarantees of his word, and of the treaty of Kiel, was justly irritated against his late subjects for the non-execution of his will. His majesty resolved in consequence, through the inter-medium of the undersigned, to transmit his final orders to the prince, the heir of his crown, who, in quality of first subject, is bound to set the example of obedience to his majesty's subjects in Norway. Danes by birth, who, by refusing to return, will become guilty of rebellion; and to the Norwegians, in fine, from whom, as a last proof of his affection, he should endeavour to avert the horrors of a destructive war.

"The adoption of this resolution by his Danish majesty, and the orders which the undersigned have received from their respective courts, characterise the nature of their special mission. The undersigned deem themselves compelled to declare, that they are by no means mediators be tween Norway and Sweden, but rather commissioners,-heralds at arms, if the expression may be used,―charged with carrying into execution in its full extent the treaty of Kiel, and the sti pulations guaranteed by their sovereigns.

"However, the known character of his highness, the rectitude of his intentions, the general esteem of Europe for the Norwegian nation, and the wish to effect the union of the two kingdoms without the effusion of blood, have induced the undersigned to enter into modifications which they acknowledge are not within the literal meaning of their instructions: they have yielded to the wish to furnish his highness with the most honorable means of descending from the eminent place to which circumstances have unfortunately raised bim; and they have with pleasure lent themselves to every arrangement which could prevent the character of his highness from suffering, and to stipulate immunities for the Norwegian people.

"They have thought, that in so doing, they in no respect departed from the liberal intentions of his Swedish majesty: but they could not regard the following arrangements to which they have acceded, as articles stipulated and agreed upon, until they had received the assent of that monarch.

"His highness Prince Christian Frederick has positively declared, that he could only replace in the hands of the diet the rights which he had received from the nation. The convocation of the diet was in consequence deemed necessary, and the time for effecting this convocation and securing its deliberations becomes the object of negociation. A truce was proposed by his highness: the undersigned were anxious to second his wishes; but the various conditions which they proposed were all successively rejected. length, upon mature deliberation, they have the honor to submit to his highness the expression of intentions from which they cannot depart.

"The bases of the armistice are:

At

1. "A solemn engagement from his highness to the King of Sweden and his august allies, to resign into the hands of the nation assembled by its representatives, all the rights which he has received from it, and to employ all his influence with the people to induce them to consent to the

union.

2. "The country between the Glommen and the Swedish frontier shall be evacuated by the Norwegian troops, as well as the isles of Walchoren, and the fortresses of Frederickstadt, with its citadel, Frederickshall, Frederickstein, and Kongsvinger. The country shall be declared neutral, and the fortresses shall be occupied by Swedish troops.

3." After the occupation of the fortresses, the blockade of Norway shall be raised, in respect to the ports of Christiania, Christiansand, and Bergen, with the necessary modifications, and during the period of the truce.

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"After giving in this ultimatum, with regard

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The Answer of his Majesty.

11 "To the note from you, gentlemen, the envoys of the courts allied to Sweden, charged with a special mission to Norway, I hasten to reply conformably with my duties to the people of Norway, and to the regard due to the overtures you are commissioned to make.

"The happiness of Norway is the sole object of my actions. The Norwegian nation, delivered from the oath of fidelity to the King of Denmark, and not acknowledging his power to cede them in full sovereignty and property to the King of Sweden, as well as justly irritated by learning it was a principal condition that Swedish troops should take possession of fortresses never occupied by Danish troops during the union, wished to avail themselves of those rights which in similar cases belong, according to public opinion, to every nation.

"Aware of this general sentiment, which an inveterate hatred between bordering nations rendered more marked than ever, I perceived that internal disturbances and anarchy would result from a forced union and I put myself at the bead of the nation in order to prevent these calamities. The regard due to the sovereignty which resides in the nation itself, made me assemble a diet, and it formed a constitution calculated to consolidate the happiness of the people. Their affection and confidence offered me the crown, which I then thought it my duty to accept; and desirous of contributing to the happiness of the people, I was persuaded that the independence of Norway, under a government which the nation itself had formed, and an alliance with Sweden, guaranteed by the great powers, which should secure the repose of the north with that of the

CHAP. I.

1814.

CHAP. I. 1814.

BOOK XIII. among their rocks, would be the most desirable state of things for Norway. I founded my hopes on the application, in our favor, of the same principles in support of which such generous efforts had been lavished in Germany and in Spain. The great powers of Europe have otherwise decided; the declarations which you have made, persuade me that the safety of Norway demands that we should yield to the law of the strongest; and I perceive that these same powers, not wishing to bring the calamities of war on Norway, are desirous of attending to every thing that may secure as much as possible the happiness of Norway united to Sweden. I even see it in my power to stipulate for the welfare of Norway, by the sacrifice of a situation personally flattering to me. I do not hesitate to make such sacrifice, in a manner worthy of a man of honor, worthy of the crown which I wear, and of the people who have conferred it on me.

"You have recognised that it is only into the hands of the diet that I can resign my rights; and it is also only that assembly of the representatives of the nation which can decide whether the nation should prefer an unequal struggle for its independence, to the honorable conditions which shall be offered to Norway as a kingdom united to Sweden. I acknowledge it to be my duty to make known to the nation the dangers to which it is exposed, and to represent to it the advantages which must be secured to it on its acceding to a constitutional union with Sweden; but you know me sufficiently to be convinced, that, faithful to my engagements, I will never separate my fate from it's, in the event of a brave though useless resistance against the united forces of Europe, being preferred to an honorable reconciliation, for which I shall employ all my credit. It is to this effect that I have written the letter to the King of Sweden, a copy of which is herewith subjoined, and by which I accede to your first basis for the truce, which you also have deemed necessary, and which I demand of the King of Sweden, on honorable and admissible conditions.

"To the second basis of the truce, I reply, that if the point at issue be the rupture of negotiations which can alone lead to an amicable union, I will accede to the evacuation of the country, between the Glommen and the Swedish frontier, as well as of the isles of Hualoerne, and the fortresses of Frederickstein and Fredericstadt, by the Norwegian troops, on condition that the territory, as well as the fortresses, be neutral during the armistice. Kongsvinger being on the northbank of the Glommen, and a league on this side the neutralized ground, I think it will not be proper to insist on its evacuation. In regard to the occupation of the fortresses by Swedish troops, I deem it my duty to represent to you, that conditions

which have once already animated the whole people to the defence of the country, ought not to be re-demanded, if it is wished to sooth the public mind; that the inevitable consequence of the entrance of Swedish troops would be a general rising of the people, and that, in that case, I must prefer war against the enemy to the civil war which I should have occasioned by outraging the constitution in the eyes of the whole nation, by a criminal weakness. If the King of Sweden wishes an amicable union and not war, he will not insist on this, and will accede to the proposal which I have made to him of leaving the two fortresses of Fredericstein and Fredericstadt in the custody of the citizens of these cities. The evacuation of these two fortresses by the Norwegian troops, which leaves them without the necessary defence, will give every military advantage to the Swedes; and when I consider the generous sentiments which should guide his Swedish majesty, I trust that that monarch will at the same time be satisfied to fix the neutral ground on the east bank of the Glommen to a circle of three leagues around these fortresses.

"With respect to the third basis, I must also observe to you, that the proposed raising of the blockade of Norway, which I consider as a condition inseparable from the truce, and as an unequivocal mark of the humanity and benevolence of the allied powers towards the people of Norway, must also be extended to all points of the coast, if it is wished that it be regarded as a real benefit. Any other conditions would give rise to embar rassments and perpètual quarrels, which might too easily lead to a rupture of the armistice, and of the negociations consequent thereon. I have also demanded this of the King of Sweden, and I hope that he will acknowledge the truth of all these observations on the subject of the raising of the blockade, if it be wished to avoid every thing that might yet bring on a disastrous war in the north.

"I will furnish Major-general Petersen and my aide-de-camp, Captain Holsteen, with my full powers to conclude the truce at Fredericshall, or at Swinemund; and I sincerely wish that this negociation may be happily terminated, and be only preliminary to reconciliation and amicable

union.

"I demand the guarantee of the allied powers for the truce, and for the propositions regarding the bases of union, to which his Swedish majesty shall please to accede.

"On the subject of the King of Denmark's letter, as to which I abstain from all reflection, I shall beg of you to take charge of my reply. It will contain in few words the declarations which my present position and my honor have required my making to you, and of which you have ac knowledged the weight. It will show his ma

jesty that it is impossible for me to follow his orders until the diet or the fate of arms shall have decided the future condition of Norway: and for the rest I must leave it to his wisdom and his conscience whether he judge it proper to carry into effect his threats against me, and the Danish officers, which, however, would change greatly my personal situation, and the line of conduct which I have resolved to pursue.

"This note being the last which I shall have to hand over to you, gentlemen, envoys from the allied courts, I seize this opportunity of begging you to be persuaded of the very particular consideration with which I subscribe myself, "Your very affectionate, "CHRISTIAN FREDERIC. "HOLTEN."

(Signed)

"Christiania, July 13, 1814."

Letter to the King of Sweden. "Sir and brother,-There is nothing on earth so valuable to me as the satisfaction of a good conscience. This I have never forfeited; and I still desire, that my conduct may be directed as honor and as duty prescribe.

"It is with these sentiments I have been induced to place myself at the head of a people, who, released from their allegiance to their king, sigh only for independence, and have tendered to me all their affections and confidence. I have sworn to defend the constitution, and shall readily lay down my life in support of their rights and independence: I have not forgotten, however, that I am likewise responsible for their happi

ness.

"Now that all Europe has declared against Norway, against that cause which I defend with no other means than those afforded by my country, such considerations present a necessity against which it would be impossible to contend.

"That I have never been misled by personal motives, I shall evince by restoring the crown into the hands of the nation who conferred it on me. I choose rather to save Norway than to reign over her: but before I consent to separate myself from a people to whom I am at present united by the most sacred ties, I am anxious to secure their happiness by a guarantee of the constitution, and other stipulations, to serve as bases to the union with Sweden. I shall assemble the diet, and make the conditions known to the nation. I shall point out to them all the perils to which they will be exposed by a brave but fruitless perseverance in the contest. If the nation accept the conditions, I shall instantly abdicate the throne; if they reject them, my fate shall not be separated from theirs. Before, however, I convoke the diet, I desire that two important points may be previously arranged.

"First, That the bases of the union be accept

ed by Sweden, under the guarantee of the four BOOK XIII. powers whose envoys are present.

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Secondly, That the deliberations be free and Cap. I. mature, and to this end that a suspension of hostilities be agreed on. 1814.

"I am sensible that the advantages to result from a suspension of arms demand sacrifices on my side. These sacrifices are expressed in the projét of armistice which I annex. The envoys of the allied powers have contended that the Swedish troops should occupy the fortresses; but I have not been able to concede this point, both because the constitution restrains me, and because I well know, from the character of my nation, that they would not suffer, without opposition, the entrance of Swedish troops within their frontiers. I am compelled, therefore, to prefer the misfortunes of a foreign to the horrors of a civil war. I confidently rely, however, on your wisdom, sir, in assenting to the means of avoiding a war which would render the projected union inadmissible, and entail upon the Swedish nation as many calamities as on the people whom you desire to govern, and whom you cannot conciliate so effectually as by measures of mildness, by a respect for public opinion, and a relaxation of the blockade; measures which will be considered as derived from your generosity, and your regard for the welfare of this people.

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My situation is painful, but my affection for the Norwegians remains the same.

"If you accept the terms of the armistice, and the bases of the union, I pledge my word to employ all the influence I possess in persuading the people of Norway to submit to the union, as the only means of security in their power.

"Honor me, sir, with your confidence. I have deserved it, in cheerfully subscribing myself, "Your majesty's, &c. "CHRISTIAN Frederick.

"Christiania, July 13, 1814."

Note to the Envoys of the Allied Powers.-Note B. "Although you, gentlemen, envoys of the allied powers, charged with a special mission in Norway, have declared that you are not mediators between Norway and Sweden, it is doubtless inseparable from your character to be the guarantees of such stipulations as shall be agreed to between the two kingdoms. It is with this view that I invite you to give me the assurance that you will guarantee the bases of union which the King of Sweden may accept, as well as the armistice, in all the points that may be definitively arranged for the period of its duration.

"If the commissioners of the allied powers acquiesce, I am equally desirous that they should ass st in settling differences of a serious nature, which may arise during the armistice; and I shall submit to their decision whether the period ought

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