(Wellesley) was welcome to make the most of this fact. The objection had been made that Elba was conveniently situated for keeping up an intercourse with Italy, but none had been made against its situation as to France: and as to his removal to England, though he (Lord Liverpool) had by no means the idea that his presence here could have worked any consequences, yet what could prevent his carrying on a correspondence with France, and escaping when he pleased, still recollec tng the freedom of his person? As to watching him As to watching him in Elba, what could prevent his escape? We had not the right to search so much as a fishing vessel, the right of search was merely a bellige rent right. But even if a search were to be made among those, it could not extend to an armed vessel, unless, indeed, we had particular grounds for suspicion. The question, after all, came to this-were we to treat him as a prisoner, or to allow him his personal freedom? As to treating with Bonaparte, the subject was not perfectly understood when it was put on this single footing, it was also treating with his officers. From the papers on the table, it would appear that the provisional government declared that this treaty would satisfy the marshals; and it was of no slight importance that the Bourbons should come in, not by the apparent influence of the allies, but by that of the French themselves. In evidence of this, the arrangement had been signed by two of the most distinguished among the marshals. As to the subsequent breach of this arrangement, he had looked over Bonaparte's proclamations on his landing, and had not found a single word in them complaining of that breach: they talked only of conquest and glory, and the restoration of the French dominion, but not one syllable on the non-fulfilment of the treaty. As to the pecuniary stipulation, it still seemed a perfectly fair argument, that the period agreed on for payment not having arrived, the payment could not have yet been demanded. But what ought to have been his mode of redress if he had been injured? Was he not to have turned round to the allies, who had guaranteed the payment, and tried whether it would be withheld, before he complain ed? But he had not complained. Had one of the army that went over to him stated this among their grievances? Not one. But he (Lord Liverpool,) knew, and could state from authority, that on a certain demand of some of the allies, a property was actually assigned for the payment of the debts incurred by that treaty. The noble earl did not admit the right to balance any inconvenience which might arise from the escape of Bonaparte, against the consequences of our violation of the armistice, the articles and conditions of which we were bound by. The expediency or propriety of these articles and conditions he should not enter into; although, whenever an opportunity should occur, he trusted he should be

1815.

prepared to vindicate the principles of the nego- BOOK XIV: ciations; and, above all, if the noble lord, (Wellesley) supposed ministers not to have acted CHAP. VI. on the occasion alluded to upon the principles of the great man who had been held up as a model, he could assure him that he was under a complete misapprehension. As to the noble lord's second motion of enquiry, whether information had been received by government respecting the design of Bonaparte's escape, he could say, that government had received none of such intention or design previous to their knowledge of his actual escape. The noble marquis had said, that the noble earl had, on a former occasion, looked forward to the revival of war on the continent. What he said was, that after so great a convulsion, no prudent man could so divest himself of all idea of the chances of a revulsion, as to preclude the necessity of keeping the country in a state to meet all Occurrences. In the interior of France he always admitted, that after the restoration of the Bourbons ther would be a considerable degree of discontent; many would be dissatisfied with the very state of peace; but he by no means believed there was that great body which there had been asserted to be. He did not subscribe to the opinion, that the numbers of military persons in France were greater than in any other country. In France, it was true, the military was the most, perhaps the only favored profession, and he admitted that the army had considerable influence in it: he admitted, also, that there were other bodies of men there, who, from the part they took in the scenes of the revolution, would be hostile to the government of the Bourbons: but those were not the constitutionalists of France; their opinion, he believed, was the reverse of hostile to that government. The opinion of that class of men were in favor of a free government, and in abhorrence of revolution; and they were not hostile to the French king, whose mild and wise policy had considerably conciliated them, and whose only chance of, and title to, a free government, consisted in supporting the government of the Bourbons. The question before the house was, whether, if any blame was imputable to the conduct of the allies in April and May last, that blame consisted in any thing else than in not insisting upon the personal restraint of Bonaparte; and then came the question whether, under all the circumstances, it was worth while to insist upon such personal restraint: if it was not worth while to insist upon entire restraint, there was no contending for a shade between such entire restraint and the liberty which was granted him: and the whole reasoning of the noble lords, whom events had made wise, they not being wise before, fell to the ground.

These topics were discussed more or less at large, but with little variety of argument, by several other speakers, who were chiefly the

As Napoleon was about to conclude his harangue, General Cambronne, and the officers of the guards of the battalion of the isle of Elba, appeared, with the ancient eagles of the guard. Napoleon continued, and said to the soldiers, "These are the officers of the battalion that have accompanied me in my misfortunes. Every man is my friend. They are dear to my heart! Every time I beheld them, they brought before my eyes the different regiments of the army, for among these 600 brave fellows are men from every regiment. They have recalled to my memory those glorious days of which even the memory is so dear, for they are all covered with honorable scars, gained in memorable battles. In loving them it was you, soldiers! the whole French army that I loved. They bring you back your eagles. Let them serve as a rallying-point. In giving them to the guards I give the m to the whole army. Treason and unfortunate events had covered them with a melancholy veil; but, thanks to the French people and to you! they now re-appear, resplendant in all their glory. Swear that they shall always be present wherever the interests of the country shall require them, and that traitors, and those who would wish to invade our territory, shall never endure their sight."-"We swear it!" exclaimed the soldiers.

In the meantime, the new revolution was strengthening itself in different parts of France, the greatest part of which seemed to adopt with enthusiasm the tri-coloured flag and the sovereignty of Napoleon; but the latter only under the form of the head to a popular government. This idea, was explicitly declared in the different addresses presented to Bonaparte, in his imperial capacity, at the Thuilleries, on the 27th of March. That of the ministers led the way. The whole strain of this address corresponds to the following passage: "The cause of the people, the only legitimate cause, bas triumphed. Your majesty is restored to the wishes of the French: you have resumed the reins of government amidst the blessings of your people and your army. France, sire, has for the guarantee of this, its will, and its dearest interests. She has also the expressions of your majesty, uttered amidst the throngs that crowded around you on your journey." They proceeed to mention the maxims which he had announced as those by which the nation was in future to be governed. "We are to have no foreign war, unless to repel unjust aggression: no internal reaction; no arbitrary acts. Personal security, protection of property, the free utterance of thought, such are the principles which your majesty has pledged to us.' To addresses like these Bonaparte was obliged, at this juncture, to return corresponding answers. To his ministers he replied, "The sentiments

all for France.-That is my motto.-Myself and family, whom that great people have raised to the throne of the French, and whom they have CHAP. VI maintained there, notwithstanding political storms and vicissitudes, we desire, we deserve, we claim 1815. no other title."

The address of the council of state was remarkable for the independence of its language, the caution which it gives Napoleon for the regulation of his future conduct, and the conditions on which alone it pledges itself to support him. "The council of state, in resuming their functions, conceived it a duty to make known the principles which form the rule of their opinions, and of their conduct. The sovereignty rests in the people. The people are the only source of legitimate power. The emperor is called to guarantee anew, by fresh institutions, for which he has pledged himself in his proclamations to the army and to the nation, all the liberal principles, individual liberty, and the equality of rights, the liberty of the press, the abolition of the censorship, the freedom of worship, the voting of taxes and laws by the representatives of the nation freely elected, the inviolability of national property of every origin, the independence and irremovability of the tribunals, the responsibility of the ministers, and of all the agents of power. For the better conservation of the rights and obligations of the people and of the monarch, the national institutions shall be viewed in a grand assembly of the representatives, already announced by the emperor."

Napoleon answered, "Princes are the first citizens of the state. Their authority is more or less extended according to the interests of the nations whom they govern. The sovereignty itself is only hereditary, because the welfare of the people requires it. Departing from this principle I know no legitimacy. I have renounced the idea of the grand empire, of which, during fifteen years, I had but founded the basis. Henceforth the happiness and the consolidation of the French empire shall be all my thoughts,"

M. Seguier, the president of the court of cassation, having refused to present the address of that court to Napoleon, he was sent for on the next day, to the Thuilleries, and the emperor in the public levêe reproached him for his conduct. "General," replied M. Seguier, "I cannot serve two masters. I belong to my king." Napoleon was offended at the title of general, and required that he should be addressed as sire; but to this Seguier could not be induced to consent. dismiss you from the bench," at length exclaimed Napoleon in a rage," and order you to leave Paris this very day."-"You only hasten my departure by twenty-four hours," replied the magistrate "for I had made preparations for departing tomorrow to my estates."

"I

CHAP. VII.

1815.

BOOK XIV. in forming his ministry, to have rallied round him the various political parties into which France was divided. To effect this purpose he had selected, as his confidential ministers, the heads of what was termed the republican party, but who had abandoned their extravagant notions of liberty, and had become friendly to a limited monarchy. While they formed an efficient part of his ministry he gave an unequivocal pledge that his government would not be disgraced by any arbitrary or tyrannical measures. When he arrived at Paris, an interesting interview took place between him and Carnot. In the course of their conversation Napoleon acknowledged that he had acted wrong. He deplored the mania of conquest which had led him into such fatal excesses, and renounced the idea of the grand empire, and a military government. He, however, demanded some sacrifices from Carnot and his party. required they should relinquish the sternness of the republican character; and that Carnot should accept a title of nobility, as a proof of their being content with a limited monarchy on a representa

tive basis.

He

To this Carnot, after consulting with his friends, acquiesced, and the title of count was conferred upon him. He was afterwards appointed minister of the interior.

Carnot was the son of a respectable lawyer at Nolay. He early entered the artillery, and although he distinguished himself by several scientific publications, yet such, under the old regime, were the obstacles to rising merit, if unsupported by courtly patronage, that he had attained no higher rank than captain at the age of thirty-six. In 1791, he was chosen a member of the legislative assembly, and became a zealous and conscientious republican. In the following year he voted for the death of the unfortunate Louis, and although the injustice of the sentence cannot be doubted, no one ever accused the honest intentions of Carnot. In 1793, he was sent as representative of the nation to superintend the operations of the army of the north. He there displayed his characterestic decision, by cashiering one of the generals on the field-of-battle, for retiring before the enemy. He then rallied the troops, placed himself at their head, and turning the fortune of the day, led them on to victory. He was afterwards appointed a member of the committee of public safety, and became a colleague of the execrable Robespierre. He, how ever, confined himself to the duties of his own department, and directed the movements of the armies, without having the least concern or influence in the bloody scenes which were acting in the interior. When he did interfere it was to soften the ferocious decrees of his colleagues, and rescue the prey from the destroyer. For this he incurred the deadly hatred of Robespierre, and was devoted to destruction as soon as the war

should terminate, or any reverses attend the French arms.

It has been asked, why he did not renounce all connexion with these monsters. The question is difficult to answer. It admits only of this solu tion, that by confining himself strictly to the wardepartment, he was employing his unrivalled talents for the benefit of his country. No man possessed, to such an extent, the confidence of the generals, the soldiers, and the people. His administration was one uninterrupted career of brilliant victories. Had he resigned, a less able man would, probaby, have filled his place, and who would have aided rather than repressed the murderous purposes of his colleagues.

After the fall of Robespierre, he exposed himself to considerable obloquy, by defending many of the agents of that monster's cruelty. He advocated the cause of Billaud Vasennes, Collet d'Herbois, and others, who were a disgrace to human nature. He did this, not because he approved of their conduct, as his enemies insinuated. He had often publicly and violently accused them. It had been his unceasing aim to unmask their characters, and hurl them from the stations which they abused. But he now saw that a spirit of re-action and revenge was abroad. If these men fell, thousands would follow. The bleeding wounds of his country would again be torn open, and the horrible scenes of the worst æra of the revolution would be re-acted. He saved them from the fate which they merited, and having identified himself with them, voluntarily shared their disgrace. He retired from public life until 1795, when he was again appointed director. In 1797, the party to which he belonged, and who would have limited the aggrandisement of France to those limits which nature pointed out, was vanquished. Rather than plunge his country in civil war, or sanction those measures of ambition which he foresaw must be ultimately fatal to France, he exiled himself to Switzerland, though he was offered the support of the army of his vir tuous friend Moreau.

When Bonaparte returned from Egypt, he remembered the talents of Carnot, and the many obligations under which he lay to him, and recalled him to power. He was once more placed at the head of the war-department, and the conquest of Italy and Germany were soon the proofs of his skilful arrangements. But the ambitious character of Napoleon then began to be displayed. Carnot remonstrated with him in vain, and disdaining to be the base instrument of tyranny, again retired to the bosom of his family.

In 1802, he was chosen member of the tribunate. Here he distinguished himself as the fearless opponent of every arbitrary measure. He voted against the assumption of the consulate for life and, in 1804, after privately using every argument to dissuade Napoleon from his ambi

tious purpose, he stood alone in the tribunate, and opposed the motion to confer on Bonaparte the imperial dignity. "Shall we," said he, "because this man has restored the peace and prosperity of his country, reward him with the sacrifice of her best interests, the very liberty which we are grateful to him for preserving? Shall we replace the pride and heroism of the masculine republican virtues, by ridiculous vanity and vile adulation? Shall freedom then be shewn to man that he may never enjoy it? Perpetually presented to him, is it a fruit which he may never reach? Has our common nature been so much a stepmother as to make the most pressing of all our wants that one which we must never gratify.-No!-I will not consent to regard this greatest good, so universally prized above all others, except as one without which all others are mere illusions. My heart tells me that liberty is practicable, and that a free government is more easy and more stable than the gloomy stillness of despotism."

When the tribunate was suppressed, in 1806, Carnot once more returned to private life, and all intercourse with Napoleon was at an end. Eight years were now spent in the pursuit of his favorite studies, and in the society of his family, and those friends who dared to brave the displeasure of the emperor by occasionally visiting him. But when the fortunes of Napoleon were on the wane, preferring even the government of the existing tyrant to the horrors of a new revolution, he again offered his services, and spoke to him in a language so firm and frank as to astound all the servile instruments of his unbridled ambition. The letter is short, and is a model for an honest subject to his sovereign.

"Sire! So long as victory crowned your ea gles, I kept myself to my studies in the closet, and employed myself in the education of my children. Now that she appears to abandon them, and that you have need of devotion, I hasten to offer my services. Do not disdain them, though they are those of an old soldier, above sixty years of age. He can rally round your eagles many Frenchmen, undecided as to the part which they ought to take. It is yet time, sire to obtain an honorable peace, and to regain the love of the people, which you have lost. January, 1814.

66

CARNOT."

In forwarding this letter, Carnot said to a friend, to whom he shewed it, that it would either send him to the Chateau de Vincennes, or give him a mark of the emperor's confidence, which would be auspicious to the return of moderation and freedom for France.

Napoleon was pleased with this noble sincerity, and, though he could not immediately bring himself to receive his former sturdy monitor as his confidential minister, intrusted him with the de

1815.

fence of Antwerp. Carnot soon rendered the BOOK XIV. town impregnable, and continued to hold it until the complete re-establishment of, Louis, when he CHAP. VIL surrendered it to him, and adhered to the constitutional charter. Louis offered him a place of honor and confidence, but perceiving, or fancying that he perceived, a determination in the court to break the conditions on which the royal family was restored, he declined all connexion with the Bourbons.

On the 22d of March, Napoleon issued the following decree against some of the most distin-" guished characters in France: "Considering that many individuals have betrayed us and the empire; that they have called in the stranger, and aided him in his projects for the invasion of our territory, dismemberment of the empire, and subversion of the imperial throne :—

"We have decreed, and do decree, as follows:

"A full and entire amnesty is granted,-1. To the civil and military functionaries who, by culpable intelligence or connivance with the stranger, called him into France and assisted his projects of invasion:-2. To those who have plotted or favored the overthrow of the constitution of the empire and the imperial throne.-Excepting from the said amnesty the Sieurs Lynch, De la Roche Jacquelin, de Vitroles, Alexis de Noailles, Duc de Ragusa, Sosthene de la Rochefoucauld, Bourrienne, Bellart, Prince de Benevent, Comte de Bournonville, Comte de Jaucourt, Duc de Dalberg, Abbé de Montesquieu.-They shall be delivered to the tribunals to be tried according to law, and undergo, in the event of their condemnation, the penalties determined by the peral code. Their effects, moveable and immoveable, shall be sequestrated by the officers of registration, as soon as the present decree is promulgated. "By the Emperor,

"NAPOLEON"

When the contents of this decree reached Marshal Marmont, at Ghent, be immediately published a long and interesting reply: "I am accused (says the marshal) of having delivered Paris to foreigners, when the defence of that city was the object of general astonishment. It was with some miserable remains that I had to combat against all the collected forces of the allied armies; it was in positions hastily taken, where no defence had been prepared, and with 8,000 men, that I resisted for eight hours 45,000, who were successively engaged against me; and it is a military feat of such a sort, so honorable to all engaged in it, that has been audaciously charged as treason! After the affair at Rheims, Napoleoa operated on the Marne with almost all his forces, and gave himself up to the illusion that his movements threatening the communications of the enemy, the latter would retreat, while, on the contrary, the enemy resolved, after having formed