CHAP. VII.

BOOK XIV. humiliated, by nobles, would have been compelled to declare against their oppressors; the war which Protestants, Jews, men of various religions, would have been compelled to sustain against their persecutors.

1815.

47. He caine to deliver France, and was received as a deliverer.

48. He arrived almost alone; he traversed 220 leagues without opposition, without combats, and resumed without resistance, amidst the capital and the acclamations of an immense majority of the citizens, the throne deserted by the Bourbons, who, in the army, in their household, among the national-guards, were unable to arm an individual to attempt to maintain them there.

49. And yet, replaced at the head of the nation, which had already chosen him thrice, which has just designated him a fourth time by the reception it gave him in his rapid and triumphant march and arrival,-of that nation by which and for the interest of which he means to reign, what is the wish of Napoleon?

50. That which the French people wish-the independence of France, internal peace, peace with all nations, the execution of the treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814.

51. What is there then changed in the state of Europe and in the hope of repose it had promised itself? What voice is raised to demand that succour which, according to the declaration, should be only given when claimed.

52. There has been nothing changed, should the allied powers return, as we are bound to expect they will, to just and moderate sentiments, if they admit that the existence of France in a respectable and independent situation, as far removed from conquering as from being conquered, from dominating as from being enslaved, is necessary to the balance of great kingdoms, and to the security of small states.

53. There has been nothing changed,-if respecting the rights of a great nation, which wishes to respect the rights of all others, which, proud and generous, has been lowered, but never debased, it be left to resume a monarch, and to give itself a constitution and laws suited to its manners, its interests, its habits, and its new wants.

54. There is nothing changed,—if not attempting to compel France to resume a dynasty which it no longer wishes, feudal chains which it has broken, and to submit to seignorial and ecclesiastical claims from which it has been liberated, it is not wished to impose upon it laws, to intermeddle with its internal affairs, to assign it a form of government, to give it masters in conformity to the interests or the passions of its neighbours.

55. There is nothing changed, if while France is occupied in preparing the new social compact which shall guarantee the liberty of its citizens, the triumph of the liberal ideas which prevail in

Europe, and can no longer be stifled, it be not forced to withdraw itself, in order to combat, from those pacific meditations and means of internal prosperity to which the people and their head wish to devote themselves in happy accordance.

56. There has been nothing changed,-if, when the French nation asks only to remain at peace with all Europe, an unjust coalition do not compel it, as it did in 1792, to defend its will and its rights, its independence, and the sovereign of its choice. (Signed) Count DEFERMON,

(A true copy)

Count REGNAUD de St. JEAN D'ANGELY,

Count BOULAY,

Count ANDREOSSY,

The Duke of BASSANO,

Two days afterwards, pacific overtures were made by the French government to all the courts of Europe. These were accompanied by a letter in the hand-writing of Napoleon himself to each of the sovereigns. On this occasion, the minister of foreign affairs (Caulincourt) sent the following letter to Lord Castlereagh :

"Paris April 4, 1815.

"My Lord,-The expectatious which induced his majesty the emperor, my august sovereign, to submit to the greatest sacrifices, have not been fulfilled; France has not received the price of the devotion of its monarch; her hopes have been lamentably deceived. After some months of painful restraint, her sentiments, concealed with regret, have at length manifested themselves in an extraordinary manner; by an universal and spontaneous impulse she has declared as ber deliverer the man from whom alone she can expect the guarantee of her liberties and independence.The emperor has appeared, the royal throne has fallen, and the Bourbon family have quitted our territory, without one drop of blood having been shed for their defence. Borne upon the arms of his people, his majesty has traversed France from the point of the coast at which he at first touched the ground, as far as the centre of his capital, even to that residence which is now again, as are all French hearts, filled with our dearest remembrances. No obstacles have delayed his majesty's triumphal progress; from the instant of his relanding upon French ground, he resumed the government of his empire. Scarcely does his first reign appear to have been for an instant interrupted. Every generous passion, every liberal thought, has rallied around him; never did any nation present a spectacle of more awful unanimity.

"The report of this great event will have reached your lordship. I am commanded to announce it to you, in the name of the emperor, and to re

quest you will convey this declaration to the knowthis declaration to the knowledge of his majesty the King of Great Britain, your august master.

"This restoration of the emperor to the throne of France, is for him the most brilliant of his triumphs. His majesty prides himself, above all, on the reflection that he owes it entirely to the love of the French people; and he has no other wish than to repay such affections, no longer by the trophies of vain ambition, but by all the advantages of an honorable repose, and by all the blessings of a happy tranquillity. It is to the duration of peace that the emperor looks forward for the accomplishment of his noblest intentions. With a disposition to respect the rights of other nations, his majesty has the pleasing hope that those of the French nation will remain inviolate.

"The maintenance of this precious deposit is the first, as it is the dearest, of his duties. The quiet of the world is for a long time assured, if all the other sovereigns are disposed, as his majesty is, to make their honor consist in the preservation of peace, by placing peace under the safe-guard of honor.

"Such are, my lord, the sentiments with which his majesty is sincerely animated, and which he has commanded me to make known to your go

vernment.

This letter was accompanied by another, which inclosed one from Napoleon to the prince-regent, as follows:

"Sir, my brother!-You will have learned, in the course of the last month, my return on the shores of France, my entrance into Paris, and the departure of the family of the Bourbons. The true nature of these events must now be known to your majesty. They are the work of an irresistible power, the work of the unanimous will of a great nation, which knows its duties and its rights. The dynasty which force had imposed on the French people was no longer made for it: the Bourbons would not accord with its sentiments or its manners: France has separated itself from them. Its voice called for a deliverer. The expectation which decided me to make the greatest of sacrifices was disappointed. I came, and from the point where I touched the shore the love of my people carried me even to the bosom of my eapital. The first duty of my heart is to repay so much affection by the maintenance of an honorable tranquillity. The re-establishment of the imperial throne was necessary for the happiness of Frenchmen. My dearest thought is, at the same time, to make it useful to the securing of the repose of Europe. Sufficient glory has adorned by turns the flags of different nations. The vi

1815.

cissitudes of fortune bave caused sufficient great BOOK XIV. reverses to succeed to great successes. A finer field is now open for sovereigns, and I am the CHAP. VII. first to enter it. After having presented to the world the spectacle of great combats, it will be more delightful, in future, to know no other rivalry except that of the advantages of peace, no other struggle except the sacred struggle for the happiness of our people. France is glad to proclaim with frankness this noble end of all its wishes. Jealous of its independence, the invariable principle of its policy will be the most absolute respect for the independence of other nations; if such, as I have a happy confidence, shall be the personal sentiments of your majesty, the general tranquillity is secured for a long time; and justice, seated on the confines of different states, will alone suffice to guard their frontiers.

.

"I seize with eagerness, &c. &c.

Lord Castlereagh, in his answer to the French minister, informed him that the prince-regent had given orders to transmit the letters to Vienna, for the information and consideration of the allied sovereigns there assembled.

Soon after Bonaparte's arrival at Paris, on opening the drawers at the apartments of Count Blacas, (the king's favorite minister) at the Thuilleries, his most secret papers were found. Among these, was a memorial in the handwriting of the Abbé Montesquieu, addressed to the king at the period of his restoration, and suggesting, with the concurrence of Talleyrand, the public measures which was to accompany the king's entrance, which it was wished to frame in such a way as to give the public the assurances of a satisfactory constitution, and at the same time to get rid of the senate itself. The senate, it will be recollected, made a covenant for its own per manence, as a prelude to this constitution, to which Monsieur agreed, saying, that he had not any authority from the king to that extent, but he was sure the king would not disavow what he had agreed to. The memoir proceeded to advise that the king should assume the title of King of France and Navarre; and that the paper which he meant to issue should be stiled an edict, because "the nation wishes for what is ancient; and every thing connected with antiquity is as suitable to it as to royalty itself."

The Abbé Montesquieu, in another memoir, gives the following history of the struggle which the senate made for its privileges while the allies were in Paris, in 1814.-The senate had said, that the constitution should be made by the provisional government. Some wisdom was to be hoped for from a meeting of five persons who were devoted to the royal cause. However, the first assemblage was composed of twenty-five persons, of whom two were senators, charged with drawing up the report. The strangest topics were

CHAP. VII.

1815.

BOOK XIV. advanced, such as the right of peace and war belonging to the nation. While employed on these mischievous metaphysics, the strange proposition was advanced, that the question was not what was good in itself, but what would suit the senate which bad the acceptance of it, and, therefore, the senators were requested to invite their colleagues of most influence to meet next day in senate, and in the mean time to report progress. The Abbé Montesquieu argued strongly against this proposal, which, however, was agreed to. The meeting next day was still more numerous, comprising all the constitutional men in the senate. The reporter read his projêt, which, among other things, proposed that the senate should consist of 100 members; that the king should appoint to vacant seats, and should only have to choose one of three candidates, presented by the senate, who again were presented to them by electoral colleges. At the close of the report, and when the members were rising, the Abbé Montesquieu had some conversation with the reporter. The Abbé declared that such a senate would inevitably become a second committee of public safety. Where were their powers, be asked, to frame a constitution, without the king, and without the nation? The proposal was the more strange as the king's sentiments on the subject were not unknown, baving been published at Bourdeaux by the Duke D'Angouleme. He stated the four articles in the proclamation. "But the senate?" said the reporter." I speak of principles," replied the Abbé " not of persons: I know only one thing, that it is the wish, both of the king and the nation, that the nominations to the upper chamber should belong to the king, and that indefinitely. But persons are still something, the more as you wish to expel us all as drivel lers."-" There is no wish to expel any one; why should you give yourselves the preference?" The Abbé afterwards proceeded to ask, "How will you be able to defend yourselves against the legislative body, the depositories of the mandates of the people? On your first opposition they would be able to overthrow you, unless you were im posing in point of number, and from the hopes held out to the ambitious of seats among you. England has 350 peers, and you would have ouly 100 in France!"-" Very well," said the redoubted Lambrecht; "We will give you 150." -"150," replied the Abbé, "I must have 150,000; I will not be satisfied with one less." This produced a laugh. The Abbé, then, in conformity to the four articles of the Duke D'Angouleme, proposed a senate to be nominated by the king, and unlimited in number, with all the particular arrangements, public or secret, to be made for the existing senators. The meeting then broke up. On the same night, Caulincourt went with three marshals to propose a regency, and an armistice of four days." The provisional govern

ment was on foot the whole night; it saw the Emperor of Russia, and found him much shaken. M. de Schwartzenberg had almost agreed to an armistice; the Emperor of Russia was reconvinced, thanks to the eloquence of General Dessolles; M. Laharpe availed himself of this ineident to give courage to the constitutional party, and the senators came next day with a constitution, better, indeed, than the preceding, but still very faulty."

The Abbé then proceeds to criticise this constitution. The public, he says, exclaimed against the impudence of the senators, who made their private fortune a public affair. On that part of it which gave the initiation of laws to every member of the senate and legislative body, he remarks. "Every kind of brawler, every man sold to foreigners, could then propose the most disorganizing laws, or the most contrary to the welfare of the state. What party-fury must be the consequence if men could not only cabal against the government, but subject it to their laws. This, no doubt, is done in England; but what a difference of character, manners, and of respect for engagements prevails in that country! Is that country, besides, so extensive and diversified? has it so many opposing interests? In England, there is only one climate, one character, one country, and one commerce. Among us, on the contrary, two distinct nations inhabit the north and the south: the people of the LamonsIR have no resemblance to those of Britany: we have poor districts and rich ones, some of which åre commercial, and others which have none at all."

In the course of the memoir the Abbé characterises Soult as the most ambitious of the generals. Of Talleyrand, at the period of the restoration, he thus speaks:-"The conduct of M. Talleyrand appears frank, but the inconveniences resulting from his fickle and indolent character extend into the administration; it is, however, indispensable to employ him, both on account of his influence with his party, and the personal consideration with which the sovereigns and their ministers treat him."

Another document, found among the count's papers, contained a summary of the written instructions of a M. Dagot, who was intrusted by Talleyrand to convey his sentiments privately to Louis XVIII. previous to the departure of the latter from London in the preceding year. It is dated Dover, 24th April, 1814, at which place M. Dagot seems to have put his instructions in writing. This curious paper begins thus:"M. de Talleyrand was busily occupied with something for the king-I proposed to hìm to wait twenty-four hours, to carry it with me, but the fears of the unexpected arrival of the king determined him to send me off immediately with

a summary of what he proposes. In the event of the landing of his majesty, before the document thus announced is ready, M. de Talleyrand thinks it indispensably necessary that his majesty should make immediately known, that he accepts the constitution, but that this constitution appearing to him susceptible of modifications in several points, he will afterwards discuss them in the senate. M. de Talleyrand has already prepared the senate to see the constitution undergo some changes, by the following words, full of address, which their vanity caught hold of: 'Gentlemen, you will find in the king a man of superior mind, and distinguished talents-you may expect to hear him discuss the articles of the constitution, and you may prepare to have the honor of entering the lists with him' This hint had the best effect. In the sanie letters patent the king will do well to fix a day for taking the oath of fidelity. This article is of the first importance, as it will quiet all fluctuating ideas, and bind the soldiery, who are in some degree isolated from the chiefs who have sent in their adhesion. M. Talleyrand regards it as very essential, that the king should not grant nor promise the smallest power to the marshals; but his majesty will satisfy them by flattering their vanity. The whole of the population of France are animated with the same zeal, devotion, and love for the person of the king, and all the members of the royal family. These sentiments even go the length of madness; and such is the general in dignation which certain articles of the constitution

1815.

have excited, that several times the people have BOOK XIV. cried under the windows of Monsieur, Vive Louis XVIII. abas le Senat. This outrageous zeal is CHAP. VII. imprudent at present. If the people manifest an euthusiasm truly French, the army testifies a very bad spirit. The troops of the line are good, however; and in the imperial-guards the discon tents are confined to the old bands. The young guard is either detached, or very near being so. M. Talleyrand thinks that the Count D'Artois, whose manners are full of grace, should go into the provinces to collect the wishes of the people, and to lay them at the foot of the throne. The Duke of Bourbon will traverse other parts of France with the same view. As to the Dukes of Angouleme and Berri, it is desirable that there should be formed for them two camps in France, where they should remain for some time to gain the affections of the soldiery, and to accustom the latter to place all their hopes in these princes, and to look up to them alone for their welfare. It is thought necessary that there should be near the person of the king some one who is perfectly well acquainted with the country, and who is also a man of talent; and, in this respect, M. De Remuzat, whose conduct has been always good. M. Talleyrand places his whole happiness in devoting his life to the service of the king; and demands nothing for himself. He thinks himself qualified, however, for the foreign relations, and claims that department, which is very difficult to manage, and requires a man habituated and aecustomed to treat with all the cabinets of Europe."

CHAP. VIII.

1815.

BOOK XIV. and war, whilst, in fact, they had engaged themselves to the latter. He then made some severe animadversions on the declaration of the allies, by which one individual was placed out of the pale of civil society; and endeavoured to shew that there was neither justice nor policy in making him the object of a war. He concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to the prince-regent, to intreat his royal-highness that he will be pleased to take such measures as may be necessary to prevent this country being involved in war, on the ground of the executive power being vested in any particular person." Lord Castlereagh opposed the motion, and defended the conduct of government with respect to the charge of concealment, by saying, that he was unwilling, by a premature disclosure of a treaty, of which the ratifications had not been exchanged, to prevent a re-consideration of the policy to be pursued towards France, under the circumstances which had recently occured. In the coarse of his speech, Lord Castlereagh unequivocally declared it to be the firm conviction of all the allied sovereigns, that it was not possible to avail themselves of the blessings of tranquillity; and that Bonaparte was a person with whom it was impossible to live in relations of peace and amity: in fine, that war with him was unavoidable. As an instance of his bad faith, this man, when be made his movement upon Bar-sur-Aube, on the rear of the allies, the success of which was problematical, sent instructions to Caulincourt at Chatillon, which instructions happened to come into his, (Lord C.'s) possession, directing him to accede to the terms proposed by the allies; but to contrive, by keeping certain points suspended and delayed, to afford him (Bonaparte) an opportunity, if circumstances should enable him, to prevent the fulfilment of the treaty. He wished to retain Antwerp, which was not the key of France, but of Great Britain: Mayence, which was the key of Germany; and Alexandria, which was the key of Italy. The motion was negatived by 273 to 72 votes.

The following are the instructions alluded to by Lord Castlereagh in his speech. They were sent in a dispatch from the Duke of Bassano (Maret) to Caulincourt, at Chatillon.

March 19, 1814. "Sir,-Your excellency will have received, or will doubtless in the course of to-day receive, a dispatch from Rheims, of which M. Frochot was the bearer, and which was accompanied by a letter from the emperor.

"The emperor desires that you will avoid explaining yourself clearly upon every thing which may relate to delivering up the fortresses of Antwerp, Mayence, and Alexandria, if you should

be obliged to consent to these cessions: his majesty intending, even though he should have ratified the treaty, to be guided by the military situation of affairs. Wait till the last moment. The bad faith of the allies, in respect to the capitulations of Dresden, Dantzic, and Gorcum authorises us to endeavour not to be duped. Refer, therefore, these questions to a military arrangement, as was done at Presburg, Vienna, and Tilsit. His majesty desires that you will not lose sight of the disposition which he feels not to deliver up those three keys of France, if military events, on which he is willing still to rely, should permit him not to do so, even if he should have signed the cession of all those fortresses. In a word, his majesty wishes to be able after the treaty to be guided by circumstances to the last moment. He orders you to burn this letter as soon as you have read it."

The allies at that time declared that they would no longer treat with Napoleon or his family. What reliance then could be placed on his present professions? Not yet firmly seated on his throne, his army disorganized, and his funds exhausted, there was every probability of crushing him by one simultaneous effort. But if he was permitted to mature his projects, and call into action the yet powerful resources of France, the attempt to destroy, or even to curb him, might be impracti cable. If they suffered him to remain unmolested, the peace, if peace it could be called, would be a feverish state of anxiety and suspicion, as expensive and burdensome as war. Until he had given satisfactory and unequivocal proof that his character was indeed changed, and many long years must have elapsed ere that could have been given, the powers of Europe must have remained in arms. Every measure would have been scrutinized with suspicion. Jealousy and mistrust would have raukled in the minds of either party, and whatever had been the wish of Bonaparte, the restless character of his army would have compelled him to some aggression, when he would have been better able to resist and to foil their attempts to subdue him.

It was futile to say that he had now allied himself to a party which had the real interests of France at heart, and which had both the will and the power to restrain his aggressions abroad and his tyranny at home. It was not the first time that he had connected himself with the wellwishers to France, and after he had used them as the means of attaining the summit of his wishes, had deluded, discarded, and destroyed them.

On these grounds, therefore, the war which united Europe prepared to wage against him, was not only justifiable, but necessary The disposition of the French army, nay, even of the