Page images
PDF
EPUB

Sovereign whose loyalty was without stain, and benevolence without measure, is the same who, during fifteen years, ravaged and laid waste the earth, to find means of satisfying his ambition, who sacrificed millions of victims, and the happiness of an entire generation, to a system of conquests, whom truces, little worthy of the name of peace, have only rendered more oppressive and more odious; who, after having by mad enterprises tired fortune, armed all Europe against him, and exhausted all the means of France, was forced to abandon his projects, and abdicated power to save some relics of existence; who, at the moment when the nations of Europe were giving themselves up to the hope of a durable tranquillity, meditated new catastrophes, and by a double perfidy towards the powers who had too generously spared him, and towards a government which he could not attack without the blackest treason, usurped a throne which he had renounced, and which he never occupied except for the misery of France and the world. This man bas no other guarantee to propose to Europe than his word. After the cruel experience of fifteen years, who would have the courage to accept this guarantee? and if the French nation has really embraced his cause, who could any longer respect the security which it could offer?

Peace with a government placed in such hands, and composed of such elements, would only be a perpetual state of uncertainty, anxiety, and danger. No power being able effectually to disarm, the people would enjoy none of the advantages of a true peace; they would be overwhelmed with expenses of all kinds, confidence not being able to establish itself any where, industry and commerce would every where languish; nothing would be stable in political relations; a sullen discontent would spread over all countries; and, from day to day, Europe in alarm would expect a new explosion. The sovereigns have

* The committee here think it right to add the important observation, that the greater part of the invasions, and forced unions, of which Bonaparte formed successively what he called the Great Empire, took place during those perfidious intervals of peace, more destructive to Europe than even the wars with which it was tormented. It was thus that he took possession of Piedmont, Parma, Genoa, Lucca, of the states of Rome, of Holland, of the countries composing the 32d military-division. It was thus, at a period of peace (at least with all the continent), that he struck the first blow against Portugal and Spain, and he thought to have finished the conquest of those countries by cunning and audacity, when the patriotism and energy of the people of the Peninsula drew him into a sanguinary war, the commencement of his own downfall, and of the salvation of Europe.

[blocks in formation]

The opinion of Europe on this great occasion is pronounced in a manner very positive and very solemn; never could the real sentiments of nations have been more accurately known, and more faithfully interpreted, than at a moment when the representatives of all the powers were assembled to consolidate the peace of the world.

THIRD QUESTION.-Is it necessary to publish a new declaration ?-The observations which the committee have just presented furnish the answer to the last question which remains to be examined. It considers,

1. That the declaration of the 13th of March was dictated to the powers by reasons of such evident justice, and such decisive weight, that none of the sophistries by which it is pretended to be attacked can at all affect it:

2. That these reasons remain in all their force and that the changes which have, in fact, occurred since the declaration of the 13th of March, have produced no alteration in the position of Bonaparte and of France with regard to the allies.

3. That the offer to ratify the treaty of Pari cannot, on any account, alter the disposition of the allies. Therefore, the committee is of opinion, that it would be useless to publish a new decla ration.

The allies being thus determined on war, it wa necessary that no time should be lost in bringing their troops into the field. Most of the Russians had already retired within the frontiers of Po land; the Prussians had also returned to their country; and the Austrians were engaged in Italy. But as the allies were deeply impressed with the indispensable necessity of the most prompt and vigorous measures, it was resolved that all the troops which they were to furnish, and even more than their quotas, should, without the least delay, assemble on the French frontiers.

The allied powers, however, could not stir in this momentous affair unless Britain subsidized them most liberally. For this purpose the chancellor of the exchequer proposed, and carried with little opposition, the renewal of the incometax; and a loan of thirty-six millions was also raised. Among the benefits expected from the conclusion of a general peace in the last year, scarcely any was more cordially greeted by the people in this country than a liberation from that burdensome and vexatious impost, the propertytax, which was necessarily to expire at a certain period after the signature of a definitive peace. In the suspicion, however, that ministers might be tempted to renew it, as the easiest mode of providing for the great demands which would be

[ocr errors]

1815.

CHAP. I.

1815.

BOOK XV. occasioned by the winding up of the war-expenses, petitions were drawn up in almost all the principal places in the kingdom, to be laid before parliament, warmly deprecating such a measure. Whatever might have been the intention of the government, this decided expression of the national desire had the effect of causing the adoption of other financial plans; and, on February 9, the chancellor of the exchequer declared his intention of submitting to the house of commons several important measures relative to the public finances, of which the property-tax would not be one, unless in the event of the non-ratification of the treaty with America. On the 20th, at a committee of ways and means, the chancellor of the exchequer introduced his plan of new taxes to supply the place of the want of the property-tax as far as five millions, of which, however, only the amount of 3,720,000l. was at that time brought forward. Several of the taxes, especially those which bore hard on trade and manufactures, were strongly opposed, and various modifications were made, the general system being persisted in, till the events in France re-plunged the country in all its difficulties.

Great Britain entered into twelve treaties of accession, and twenty-five treaties of subsidy. By the treaty of accession with Baden, his Britannic majesty engaged in his own name, and in that of his allies, not to lay down his arms without particularly taking into consideration the interests of the Duke of Baden, and not to permit the political existence of the duchy to be violated. The other treaties of accession were with Bavaria, Denmark, Hanover, the Grand Duke of Hesse, the King of the Netherlands, Portugal, Sardinia, Saxony, Switzerland, Wurtemberg, and the princes and free towns of Germany. The treaties of subsidy were with the same powers, and by these Baden was to furnish 16,000 men; Bavaria 60,000; Denmark 15,000; Hanover 26,400; the Grand Duke of Hesse 8,000; Sardinia 15,000; Saxony 8,000; Wurtemberg 20,000; besides the troops to be furnished by the princes and free towns of Germany; so that Great Britain had at her command upwards of 200,000 troops. They were to be paid at the rate of 117. 2s. per man, for the service of the year ending the 5th of April, 1816. Of the whole collective force of allies, Lord Castlereagh gave the following statement to parliament :

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small]

Prussia; and 2,500,000%. between the smaller powers. There were also some other arrangements concluded between Russia, Holland, and Great Britain; by which the latter had to pay an additional sum of 2,500,000.: making altogether 10,000,0007.

The exertions of the continental powers were now unbounded. Every road was thronged with troops hastening by forced marches to the Sombre and the Rhine. The Prussians were particularly active in equipping their troops for the field. The following proclamation of the King of Prussia shews the spirit with which his cabinet was animated at this time :-"When, in the time of danger, I called my people to arms, to combat for the freedom and independence of the country, the whole mass of the youth, glowing with emulation, thronged round the standards, to bear with joyful self-denial unusual bardships, and resolved to brave death itself. Then the best strength of the people intrepidly joined the ranks of my brave soldiers; and my generals led with me into battle a host of heroes, who have shewn themselves worthy of the name of their fathers, and heirs of their glory. Thus we and our allies, attended by victory, conquered the capital of our enemy. Our banners waved in Paris,— Napoleon abdicated his authority,-liberty was restored to Germany, security to thrones, and to the world the hope of a durable peace.

"This hope is vanished: we must again march to the combat. A perfidious conspiracy has brought back to France the man who, for ten years together, brought down upon the world unutterable miseries. The people, confounded, have not been able to oppose his armed adherents; though he himself, while still at the head of a considerable armed force, declared his abdication to be a voluntary sacrifice to the happiness and repose of France, he now regards this, like every other convention, as nothing; he is at the head of perjured soldiers, who desire to render war eternal; Europe is again threatened; it cannot suffer the man to remain on the throne of France, who loudly proclaimed universal empire to be the object of his continually renewed wars, who confounded all moral principle by his con tinued breach of faith, and who can, therefore, give the world no security for his peaceable in

tentions.

"Again, therefore, arise to the combat! France itself wasts our aid, and all Europe is allied with us. United with your ancient companions in vie tory, reinforced by the accession of new brethren in arms, you, brave Prussians, go to a just war, with me, with the princes of my family, with the generals who have led you to victory. The justice of the cause we defend will ensure us the victory.

"I have ordered a general arming, according to my decree of September 3, 1814, which will

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

Prince-regent's Message to both Houses of Parliament, respecting War with France.-Debates on the same.

THE British government, in conjunction with the continental powers, having resolved on war, on the 22d of May a message was delivered to both houses of parliament from the princeregent, to the following effect:-"That, in consequence of the events which had occurred in France, in direct contravention of the treaties concluded at Paris last year, his royal-highness had judged it necessary to enter into engagements with his majesty's allies, for the purpose of forming such a concert as present circumstances indispensably require, and as may prevent the revival of a system which experience has proved to be incompatible with the peace and independence of the nations of Europe." It was then said, that copies of the treaties concluded would be laid before the two houses, and that the princeregent confidently relied on their support in all the measures which it might be necessary for him to adopt, in conjunction with his allies, against the common enemy at this important crisis.

The following day being appointed for taking into consideration the message of the princeregent, the Earl of Liverpool rose in the house of lords, and said, that the question he was about to submit to their lordships being that of peace or war, it was unnecessary for him to use words to convince them that the subject was the most momentous that could possibly come before them for discussion and determination; but momentous as that question was at all times, and under any circumstances, he was ready to admit, that at this particular period it was more pecuJiarly important and awful. Deeply feeling, as he did, that war was an alternative always to be avoided if possible, that urgent necessity alone could justify any government in having recourse

was ever to be seriously deplored, he was aware that, independent of these considerations—independent of the general desire that ought always to prevail to avoid that extremity, there were circumstances which rendered the alternative of war more peculiarly to be deprecated. After the protracted course of hostilities in which this country had been engaged; after the years, the long series of years, in which we had been driven to carry on the contest almost without intermission, when at length the period arrived which promised the nation a secure and glorious rest from its toils, when the tempest which had convulsed the civilized world to its foundation, had at last subsided, and left behind it the animating prospect of a long and peaceful serenity to repair its ravages, it was, undoubtedly, most deeply to be lamented that any thing should have occurred to destroy these hopes of tranquillity, and compel us again to have recourse to arms, and to renew the contest against that power and that system which had been the parent of such tremendous calamities. He himself was deeply impressed with the feeling, and he was sure the house must be impressed with the same feeling, that after an incessant struggle of between twenty-three and twenty-four years, after the convulsions which had agitated the nations of Europe, the changes which had taken place in the relations and habits of the different states owing to these perpetual wars, it would have been an object most devoutly to be wished for, that some respite, some few years of repose, should be vouchsafed to the exhausted nations, that some time should be allowed them to recover from the fatigue of their exertions, to recruit their strength, to repair their resources, and to return to the habits and comforts

CHAP. II.

1815.

BOOK XV. in saying, that no secondary object, no minor concern, no common danger or inconvenience could, under these circumstances, form a justifiable ground for the revival of this already long protracted and eventful contest. It would have been wise to endure much, to risk much, to put up with no small degree of inconvenience, and even injustice, as far as that could be submitted to with honor, in order to secure the blessings of repose and peace. If the state of things in France had been settled in such a manner as to afford any reasonable security for the continuance of peace, without the most imminent danger of destruction to the independence of the other nations of Europe, even though they were not settled in that way which might be considered as most favorable to the particular interests of France itself, as well as to the general interests of Europe, he should say that, under the circumstance in which this country, and many of the continental powers stood, hostilities ought not to be recommenced. He thought it right, at the outset of the observations which he had to submit to their lordships, thus to state openly and fairly what his impression was as to the general principle; and he did so in order to shew that he was not insensible to the disadvantages of engaging in war at any time, and more particularly at the present moment: but the question now was, whether from the long and lamentable experience which we had had of the system which had been invariably pursued by the government now existing in France, they could entertain any reasonable hope whatever that treaties would be regarded, or that violence and aggression would be refrained from for a longer period than that which would be necessary effectually to prepare the means for the renewal of the same course which had already brought upon Europe such dreadful calamities. The question now was, whether it was possible for us to remain at peace, and to enjoy the advantages of peace. It was the duty of their lordships undoubtedly to deliberate well, before they yielded to the conviction that the awful necessity existed of again engaging in war, and adding to those burthens which war had already laid upon the country. Their lordships would take care not to give their sanction to the revival of hostilities, if the evils of war could be avoided consistently with the honor and safety of the nation. Such being his own feelings as to that view of the question, he was ready, at the same time, to declare his opinion on the other hand, that, if the circumstances of the case were such that it was impossible to rely for a moment on the disposition of the existing government of France to refrain from aggression, so as to permit this country to enjoy the advantages of peace with safety, then no impolitic love of repose should deter us from boldly looking at our real situation, and manfully

meeting the difficulty, even if it could only be met by war.

Having stated these propositions at the outset, in order to show the house the principles and views upon which it appeared to him the subject ought to be considered and discussed, the first question then was, had we a justifiable cause of war against France? That question might be considered in two ways;-first, with reference to the person at the head of the present government of France; secondly, with reference to the French nation, and its general relations and obligations with respect to this country and the other powers of Europe. He did not think it necessary to go much into detail upon these points; but he felt it his duty not to pass them without some observation. In looking at the question with reference to the individual at the head of the French government, it would be wasting their lordships' time if he were to enter into any long discussion to prove, that very little security indeed for the continuance of peace could be expected from that quarter. Those who thought with him, that the alternative of war was now unavoidable, must be convinced that it was brought on by that person in direct violation of solemn treaty. He knew it had been said, that there had been a previous violation of that treaty by some of the other parties, to the disadvantage of that person, and that this afforded an excuse for his conduct in disregarding the treaty on his part. In reply to that argument, he maintained, in the first place, that there had been no violation of the treaty as against him; and, secondly, even admitting for a moment the fact to be, that there had been such a violation, that circumstance could not, upon any sound principle of reason or justice, or the law of nations, give him any authority to violate the treaty on his part, until he had made his complaint to the allies, and redress had been denied. On every principle of the law of nature and nations, it was not the injury which gave the right to have recourse to war; but the injury followed by complaint, justice demanded, and redress refused. Then only was an individual or a nation justified in considering the obligation of compacts and treaties at an end, and in resorting to the last appeal. Bonaparte had made no complaint to the allies-and they never therefore could have refused him redress. His conduct must consequently be regarded as a direct viola tion of treaty, without any thing like justification or apology. But it was unnecessary to rest this part of the subject upon such narrow grounds. It was true, Bonaparte, in some of his latter pro clamations, when endeavouring to find out some shadow of apology for his proceedings, did at last allege, that the stipulations of the treaty had not been observed with respect to him by the King of France, but that was merely an after

thought; for, in his original proclamations, there was not one word of complaint on that ground. In these, he only talked of resuming what had been wrested from him in a moment of difficulty; and there could hardly be a doubt, that at the very moment when he signed the treaty, he had it in contemplation to violate it, and resume his situation at the head of the government of France, with the first favorable opportunity. As far, then, as regarded the individual, there was on his part a clear and fundamental violation of the whole of the treaty, without complaint made to the allies, or any opportunity given to afford him redress. But to look at the matter in a larger view-was there a man who did not perceive that the whole of the contracts made with the French nation by the allies in April and May last year, proceeded on the foundation that the government of France was to be administered by some other person than Bonaparte, and that terms were granted upon that ground which otherwise would not have been granted in the situation in which the allied powers then stood, and that securities were dispensed with for the same reason, which otherwise would have been insisted upon? Before they entered Paris, they declared, by proclamation, their determination not to negociate with Bonaparte. Upon that foundation his resignation of the sovereign authority proceeded-upon that foundation the assembled representatives of the nation pronounced his decheance-upon that foundation, and upon these terms, the act of forfeiture was declared ;-and, in the whole course of the transactions at that period, the same stipulation that Bonaparte was to be no longer at the head of the French government, was either expressly stated or clearly implied. In the convention entered into in the month of April, for the cessation of hostilities, were to be found these words-"The allied powers, united in the determination to put a period to the calamities of Europe, and to found its repose on a just distribution of power among the states which compose it; wishing to give to France, replaced under a government whose principles offer the necessary securities for the maintenance of peace, proofs of their desire to resume amicable relations with her; wishing, also, to cause France to enjoy as much as possible the benefits of peace, even before all the terms thereof have been settled, have resolved to proceed, &c. to a suspension of hostilities between their respective forces." Upon the foundation of these words in the preamble, hostilities were, by the first article, declared to be suspended. Then followed the convention for the evacuation of the French territories by the troops of the allied powers; but that had a reference to the preamble, and rested upon the ground that France was to have a new government, which could afford a reasonable security to the allies

CHAP. II.

1815.

against the revival of that system of aggression, BOOK XV. devastation, and bloodshed, which had uniformly marked the course of the French government under Bonaparte. The definitive treaty proceeded upon the same foundation. What, then, was the bearing of that treaty when considered with reference to the present question? It was signed by the allied powers upon the clear understanding and foundation that France was to have a government which could afford security to the nations of Europe against the renewal of aggression, and the calamities of war, and upon the faith of that condition, more advantageous terms were granted to France than could otherwise with safety have been given. Then he maintained that the bearing of the whole course of these public acts, the principle of the treaties of Fontainebleau and Paris, and all the circumstances and situations of the parties at the time; the preambles of the documents, and the proceedings of the senate, all clearly proved that the destruction of the power and government of Bonaparte was an essential part of the compact between the allied powers and France; not a minor or secondary part of it, but an essential and fundamental part; and, that when Bonaparte was restored to the situation which he had before held at the head of the French government, the compact was fundamentally violated on the part of Bonaparte and France: the allies were absolved from all the engagements which they had contracted, and, by the very act of the return of Bonaparte, placed in a state of war with France.

Thus the matter stood on the principle of justice; and on this part of the question he should imagine there could hardly be a dissentient voice. But when he had proved that we had a just cause of war against France, he was perfectly well aware that he had only proved one half of his case. He well knew that it was not enough to say that there existed a just ground of war against France. It must also be shewn, that justice to our own country required that the contest should be renewed. He admitted that to justify the recourse to this momentous alternative, war must be proved to be necessary. It must be no secondary consideration, no minor inconvenience, that could form a sufficient ground for a renewal of hostilities at any time, far less under the peculiar circumstances of the present moment. paramount necessity, the most imminent danger to our dearest interests, to our security and national independence, not otherwise to be averted than by war, and therefore imperiously calling upon us to arm for our country, must be shown to exist before their lordships could give their sanction to the revival of the contest. The first question to be asked with reference to this point. was, could there be any rational hopes of peace for this country, or for Europe, while that person

A

« PreviousContinue »