commerce, would also benefit hers, and thus pave the way for that return of good-will and confidence between the two nations, which should add to the prosperity of both; and when one was fortunately made (that of 1794), France omitted no means to defeat it. And when foiled in this attempt, and afterwards in the choice of a president (Mr. Adams, and not Mr. Jefferson, being elected), she let loose and gave greater scope to her piratical cruisers, to fleece us of our property (as Joel Barlow said, and he was then in Paris) to a sufficient degree to bring us to our feeling in the only nerve in which it was presumed our sensibility lay, which was our pecuniary interest.' By bringing us to our feeling,' Mr. Barlow meant inducing the submission of the government of the United States to France, like many of the powers of Europe, whose cases he cited as examples for us to follow. Fortunately the minds of the great majority of the American people at that time remained alive to national insults and

injuries. Resistance took place, instead of the expected submission.

The French government was brought to its senses, and abandoned its impudent pretensions and claims. How this high and honorable ground was lost to the United States may be the subject of future observation. That season of dignity, spirit, and independence passed away; and that of submission followed, with all the evils we now experience in its train.

"I have mentioned bribery as one of the means used by France to gain and establish an influence in the United States; and I have done it on the following grounds:

1. The notorious profligacy of the French government (to say nothing of what existed under its former monarchy), evidenced by its uniform conduct from an early period of the revolution. The official documents of our own government, under the hands of our envoys, Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry, attest that profligacy. Doubtless there are some persons who, to gain an important point, would offer a bribe, who would disdain to receive one. The government of France had no scruples of this sort. The directory, by their minister of corruption, Talleyrand, had the consummate baseness and impudence to demand of our envoys a douceur (in English, a bribe.) of 50,000. sterling, upward of 220,000 dollars, for the pockets of four of them: the fifth director, Merlin, who had held the office of minister of justice, being paid by the owners of privateers-(for being the minister of iniquity in directing the decisions of the prize-courts, condemning, American vessels and their cargoes.) And this bribe they were informed was only the customary tribute in diplomatic affairs! And even this douceur was not to procure the acknowledg

nisters, but only permission for them to stay in BOOK XI. Paris, where those insolent tyrants kept their

court.

2. "The confidential friend and agent of Talleyrand in this business (whose information Talleyrand told Mr. Gerry was just, and might always be relied on), in addition to the douceur of 50,000l., earnestly pressed for a loan to the French republic of many millions of dollars; to have made which would have been a violation of our duty as a neutral nation: and urged various other unwarrantable and insolent demands of the French government; enforcing them by threats of its vengeance on failure of their compliance. Our envoys remaining firm and invincible, the confidential agent said to them, Perhaps you believe that in returning and exposing to your countrymen the unreasonableness of the demands of this government, you will unite them in resistance to those demands; you are mistaken: you ought to know that the diplomatic skill of France, and the means she possesses in your country, are sufficient to enable her, with the aid of the French party in America, to throw the blame which will attend the rupture of the negociations on the federalists, as you term yourselves, but on the British party, as France terms you; and you may assure yourselves this will be done.'

3. "The testimony of Fauchet, the minister of France to the United States, in his famous letter of October 31, 1794, the time of the great insurrection in the western part of Pennsylvania, familiarly known by the name of the Whisky Insurrection, referring to certain overtures which had been made to him by one of the exclusive patriots, (whom he named) and which he had before communicated to his government, Fauchet says, Thus, with some thousands of dollars, the republic would have decided on civil war or peace! Thus the consciences of the pretended patriots of America have already their prices!'

4. "The notorious treachery of many officers, civil and military, of the countries which have been over-run by the arms of France, and whose treason can be ascribed to no cause but the distribution of French gold, or the delusive promises of elevation to higher employments and dignities, as in the case of Godoy, the prince of peace, who betrayed Spain into the hands of Bonaparte, or to both these causes. Accordingly, the opinion is general, that this sort of corruption has been the efficient pioneer to the French armies, and opened their way to conquest.

5. "The open avowal of the fact by a French agent, at the time that Adet (the successor of Fauchet) was the French minister in Philadelphia. This agent was Mr. Letombe, the consulgeneral of the French republic; a person well

CHAP. I.

1811.

BOOK XI. to me. Letombe had previously been French consul at Boston, had lived some years in the CHAP. I. United States, and was doubtless much better informed concerning them than the minister 1811. Adet. Washington was then President of the United States: and probably Letombe perceived that the time had not arrived for France, by her intrigues and bribery, to give an effectual ascendancy in the councils of our nation. Letombe accordingly mentioned the fact in a tone of complaint and vexation. It was to a very intelligent and respectable gentleman of my acquaintance, to whom Letombe said, that Mr. Adet had foolishly thrown away a great deal of money in bribing members of congress, although they (Letombe and the minister) were put to much difficulty in raising it; and that they had, at a great loss to the French republic, in the negociation, procured 80 or 90,000 dollars at Boston.' I quote from my memorandum, made at the time the information was given to me. Mr. Adet's mission to the United States terminated near the close of the year 1796. Since that time the French government has found less difficulty in procuring money. The plunder of the world,

and the mines of Mexico and Peru have been open to them. Eighteen months ago I received satisfactory information, that the Frenchman who was then Bonaparte's consul-general in Philadelphia, had, in the course of one year, received about 1,000,000 of dollars, for which the French government could have no legitimate use in the United States; because it then neither derived nor needed any supplies from the United States, "The evidences of corruption, of falsehood, of hypocrisy, and deceit, in the men whose official or personal means and influence have for many years given a direction to the public sentiment, and managed the affairs of the United States, it has been necessary to exhibit to the view of my fellow-citizens; because the only hope of political salvation rested on the public conviction, that those meu did not deserve the confidence of the nation. This exposure was anticipated with regret; because (as I early remarked) in exposing them I should unavoidably expose the nakedness of my country; when, if compatible with truth, 1 would infinitely rather speak the praises of both. More remains to be told. "July 29. "TIMOTHY PICKERING."

THE American government evinced a hostile disposition towards Great Britain in the earliest proceedings of congress. On the 6th of December, when Mr. Porter called up the consideration of the report of the committee of foreign relations, he briefly stated "The objects and views which had governed the committee in their report, which he had submitted to the House. The orders in council were of themselves a sufficient cause of war with the committee; and which causes were aggravated by the miserable shifts of the British ministry, and their authority in that country. Any man not wilfully blind, could see that Britain had not acted towards them even in a manner which accorded with her own ideas of justice; she captured under a principle this week, which she did not avow the next; and if a doctrine so monstrous were sanctioned, she would next trample upon the necks of their citizens in the streets. It was the unanimous opinion of the Committee, that these encroachments were

such as to demand war, as the only alternative to obtain justice. Their situation was like a young man establishing himself in society, who, if he submitted to indignities in the outset, would have to incur a double expence of time and labour to establish his lost character. On the carrying trade, the committee expressed no final opinion. It was in their power to harass the resources of Britain, as well on the ocean as by land; to carry on a war against her coast and colonies at their own doors; and destroy her trade with the colonies, by the number of privateers which would be fitted out for service. They had it in their power to make a conquest of Canada, which, to Britain, was of the utmost importance; and from whence she had imported articles of the utmost necessity last year, to the amount of 600,000,000 dollars, a great deal of which was for square timber for her navy. They held a a sword over her resources which would cut her to the quick. It was, therefore, the determina

1812.

BOOK XI. the vessel) any goods, wares, or merchandize, but such as are authorised by the provisions of this CHAP. II. act to be imported into the United States or the territories thereof; and I do farther swear, (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares, or merchandizé onboard said vessel, or which shall have been imported in the same, I will immediately and without delay make report thereof to the collector of the port of this district.'

"Sec. 4. And be it farther enacted, That if any person or persons shall falsely make oath or affirmation to any of the matters herein required to be verified, such person or persons shall suffer the like pains and penalties as shall be incurred by persons committing wilful and corrupt perjury." A bill of a most extraordinary nature was also brought forward in the house of representatives in America, for the purpose, as it was termed, of protecting American seamen. It was read a first and second time, and committed. The principal provisions were, that if any foreigner should be guilty of impressing any American citizen onBoard of a foreign ship or vessel, if he should be arrested, he should be tried and convicted as a pirate, and suffer death; and the American soimpressed, on his return to his country, should be entitled to thirty dollars per month during the time of his detention, and might recover it by a suit of foreign attachment, against the debtor of any British creditor; and what he should recover, and the 'costs, should be so much payment of the debt.

The proceedings of the imperial parliament fully demonstrated the pacific disposition of the British government towards the United States. The subject was introduced by Mr. Whitbread, Feb. 13, who said " All parties profess that they deprecate the idea of a war with America—all parties profess that such an event is but too probable. Those who conducted the affairs of America and of this country had uniformly declared, that each was actuated by the most conciliatory dispositions; it had, however, unfortunately turned out, that, notwithstanding this most friendly disposition on our side, the breach had widened from day to day. It might be seen from the speech of the president, that war was the inevitable consequence of the pernicious system which Great Britain had adopted. The case was before the world, with the exception of the two houses of parliament of the British empire; every one who read the papers knew the case, but the British parliament knew it not. The great question which they had to decide was, whether they should or should not go to war with America? and unlesss information was officially and technically communicated to the house, which might be referred to as documents on the table, they could not form any decision. If the markets of the western world were open to our trade, innu

merable would be the blessings which would ensue to this country; but, if a war with America was resolved on, the greatest evils must be expected. It was very well in us to talk of chastising America, of crushing and annihilating her; but, in his opinion, our greatest efforts could not accomplish the one accomplish the one or the other. The news which had lately arrived made it important that the house should be in the possession of every information. The effects of the bill now agitated in congress would, if passed, give great umbrage to France, after what had occurred in the course of their negociations; he therefore thought that we should watch for and seize this opportunity of amicably adjusting the differences. He concluded by moving

"That an humble address be presented to his royal-highness the prince-regent, that he will be pleased to direct, that there be laid before the house copies of the correspondence between the secretary of state for foreign affairs, and the American charge d'affaires, from Jan. 1, 1810, to the latest period; together with copies of the correspondence between Mr. Foster and Mr. Monroe, and of the documents referred to therein."

Mr. Stephen said, considering as he did the importance of the question, he would content himself with saying, generally, that never was there any thing more unfounded than the assertion, that the conduct of this country to America was unjust. Nothing but a wish to conciliate, could justify his majesty's ministers in the persevering and almost humiliating line of conduct which they had adopted, for the purpose of avoiding a rupture with America. The question was not, whether we were to go to war with America, but whether America was to go to war with us?

Mr. Curwen said, the state of the country called seriously on ministers to retrace their steps. America had a right to dispose of her commerce a she pleased, and no country should have the power to call that right in question. Whatever might be the pertinacity of the chancellor of the exchequer on this head, he sincerely hoped that he would not be long in a situation to retain it with any effect.-(At this time a change in ministry was expected.)

The chancellor of the exchequer would maintain that the language of the British government, with respect to conciliation, had been always sincere, while at the same time it was anxious not to give up rights, which, if great Britain relinquished, would degrade her from the rank which she held among the nations of the world. With the remark that the prosperity of America was that of Great Britain, he perfectly agreed. (Hear!) A decided common advantage would be obtained by peace, and lost by a state of war, and, as far as was consistent with the rights of Great Britain, should be preserved. It was impossible,

however, to consent to the production of the papers without seeing many points into which it might be inexpedient to enter. An honorable gentle man had expressed a hope that this negociation might soon be in other hands; but he was inclined to believe that the honorable gentleman's consolatory views would not open upon him so soon as he imagined; nor if the conduct recommended by that honorable gentleman should be adopted should he wish to be the minister who was to carry it into execution.

Mr. Baring was apprehensive that, from the feelings of the country, a war could hardly be avoided. If discussions were actually pending betwixt the two governments, the production of the papers might be inexpedient.

Mr. Hutchinson said, if he were called on to give his vote on the differences between this country and America, he should give his vote for America, and against his own country. He had no confidence in ministers.-(A laugh.)-He had no confidence in the plunderers of America, and the authors of the accursed cry of "no popery." They did not merit the confidence of parliament, nor the confidence of the country.

Mr. Lester contended, that ministers carried on affairs well, and were entitled to the gratitude of the country.

The house divided for the motion, 36.Against it, 123.-Majority against the motion, 87. Mr. Lockhart made a motion respecting the claims of the American loyalists, and went into some statements respecting their origin and nature. They complained that they were injured by government taking a sum nearly one-third less than what would provide a just compensation for their losses, and the object of his motion was, that a committee should be appointed, to whom the petition of these claimants might be referred, who should examine into these claims, and report upon them.

The chancellor of the exchequer said, that the question would be found to resolve itself into this, that government having done all it could to enforce these claims without actually going to war about them, and having obtained from the American government all it could obtain, whether it was now bound to make good a deficiency to so great an amount as was claimed. He apprehend. ed the petitioners had no right to expect compensation from that house for what was due to them from the American government.-Leave was given to appoint the committee.

On the 19th of March, the president, Mr. Madison, sent the following message to both houses of congress, to the senate and house of representatives.

"I lay before congress copies of certain documents which remain in the department of state;

1812.

United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sus- BOOK XI. tained by them, cease not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality towards Great Britain, and CRAP. II. in the midst of amicable professions and negociations on the part of the British government there, and its public minister here, a secret agent of that government was employed in certain states, more especially at the seat of government, Massachusetts, in fomenting dissaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and in intrigue with the disaffected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and eventually in concert with a British force destroying the union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain: in addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens that happy union of the states, which, under Divine Providence, is the guarantee of our liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity. (Signed) "JAMES MADison. "March 19, 1812."

This message was accompanied with several documents upon which it was founded. They contained the correspondence of the Earl of Liverpool and Sir James Craig, late governor of Canada, with a certain Captain John Henry, who was the secret agent spoken of, and who had himself made the disclosure to the government, and given them the document, alleging, as the reason, that the British government had refused to give him his reward. The documents were transmitted by Mr. Henry to Mr. Monroe, the American secretary, in a letter, dated Philadelphia, 20th of Feb. 1812, in which he said, that his great object in making the disclosure, was to produce unanimity among all parties in America.

No. 2. contained the general instructions from Sir James Craig to Mr. Henry, dated on the 6th of Feb. 1809, respecting his secret mission. The following was the most material part of them :

"It has been supposed, that if the federalists of the eastern states should be successful in obtaining that decided influence which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable, that rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general union. The earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our government, as it may also be, that it should be informed how far, in such an event, they would look up to England for assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connection with us.

Although it would be highly inexpedient that