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wrong, I will be much obliged to any of you, gentlemen, to put me right again, for I mean all for the best, and I hope you will excuse me if you please. And one thing, gentlemen, I must caution you against, in particular, and that is this, not to make any mistakes if you can possibly help it, and the best way to do this, will be to do all the motions right at first, and that will help us to get along so much the faster, and I will try to have it over as soon as possible. Come, boys, come to a shoulder.

"Poise foolk!-Cock foolk!-Very handsomely done. Take aim!-Ram down cartridge!-No No! Fire. I recollect now, that firing comes next after taking aim, according to Steuben; but with your permission, gentlemen, I'll read the words of command just exactly as they are printed in the book, and then I shall be sure to be right.' O yes! read it, captain, read it,' exclaimed twenty voices at once, that will save time.'

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"Charge bagonet! (Some of the men) — That can't be right, captain, pray look again, for how can we charge bagonet without our guns?'

"(Captain) I don't know as to that, but I know I'm right, for here it is printed in the book c, h, a, r, yes, charge bagonet, that's right, that's the word, if I know how to read; come, gentle men, do, pray, charge bagonet! Charge, I say! Why don't you charge? Do you think it an't so? Do you think I have lived to this time of day, "Tention the whole then: please to observe, and don't know what charge bagonet is? Here, gentlemen, that at the word fire! you must fire; come here, you may see for yourselves; it's as that is, if any of your guns are loaden'd, you must plain as the nose on your fa-stop-stay-no! not shoot in yearnest, but only make pretence-balt! no, no! faith I'm wrong! I'm wrong! I like; and all you gentlemen fellow-soldiers, who's turned over two leaves at once. But I beg your arm'd with nothing but sticks, and riding-switches, pardon, gentlemen, we will not stay out long; and corn-stalks, needn't go through the firings, and we'll have something to drink as soon as but stand as you are, and keep yourselves to we've done. Come, boys, get up off the stumps yourselves. and logs, and take up your guns, and we'll soon be done; excuse me if you please.

"Half cock foolk!-Very well done.

"S, h, u, t, (spelling) shet pan!-That too would have been very handsomely done if you hadn't have handled the cartridge instead; but I suppose you wasn't noticing. Now 'tention, one and all, gentlemen, and do that motion again. "Shet pan!-Very good, very well indeed, you did that motion equal to any old soldiers; you improve astonishingly.

"Handle cartridge!-Pretty well, considering you done it wrong eend foremost, as if you took the cartridge out of your mouth, and bit off the twist with the cartridge-box.

"Drawrammer! Those who have no rammers to their guns need not draw, but only make the motion; it will do just as well, and save a great deal of time.

"Return rammer !-Very well again-But Return_rammer!-Very that would have been done, I think, with greater expertness, if you had performed the motion with a little more dexterity.

"Shoulder foolk! Very handsomely done, indeed, if you had only brought the foolk to the other shoulder, gentlemen. Do that motion again, gentlemen, and bring the foolk up to the left shoulder. "Shoulder foolk!-Very good.

"Order foolk!-Not quite so well, gentlemen; not quite altogether: but perhaps I did not speak loud enough for you to hear me all at once; try once more if you please; I hope you will be pa

"Fix bagonet!

"Advance arms!-Very well done, turn the stocks of your guns in front, gentlemen, and that will bring the barrels behind; and hold them straight up and down if you please. Let go with your left hand, and take hold with your right just below the guard. Steuben says the gun must be held up p, e, r, perticular: yes, you must always mind and hold your guns very perticular. Now, boys, 'tention the whole!

"Present arms!-very handsomely done! only hold your guns over the other knee, and the other hand up, turn your guns round a leetle, and raise them up higher, draw the other foot back! Now you are nearly right. Very well done, gentlemen; you have improved vastly since I first saw you: you are getting too slick. What a charming thing it is to see men under good discipline! Now, gentlemen, we are come to the revolutions: but, Lord, men, how did you get into such a higglety-pigglety?"

"The fact was, the shade had moved considerably to the eastward, and had exposed the right wing of these hardy veterans to a galling fire of the sun. Being but poorly provided with umbrellas at this end of the line, they found it convenient to follow the shade, and in huddling to the left for this purpose, they had changed the figure of their line from that of a crescent to one

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**Come, gentlemen," says the captam. 'spread yourselves out agan into a straight line, and let us get into the wheelings and other matters as soon as possible.'

band end of the platoos stands fast, and the other eend comes round Ike a swingle tree. Those on the outs de must march faster than those on the inside, and those on the inside not near so fast as those on the outside. You certainly must understand me now, gentlemen; and now please to try once more."

In this they were a little more successful. Very well, gentlemen; very well indeed: and now, gentlemen, at the word wheel to the left, you must wheel to the left.

- Bat this was streamously opposed by the soldiers. They coperted to going into these renchtions at all asmoth as the weather was extremely bet, and they had already been kept in the field upwards of three quarters of an hour. They reminded the captain of his repeated promise to be as short as he possibly could, and it was clear he could dispense with all this same wheeling and flourishing if he chose. They were already very thirsty, and if he would not dismiss them, they declared they would go off without dismission, and get something to drink; and he might fire them if that would do him any good; they were able to pay their fine, but could not go without Stop! halt! let us try again! I could not just drink to please any body; and they swore they then tell my right hand from my left; you must would never rote for another captain who wished`excuse me, gentlemen, if you please; experience to be so unreasonably strict.

"The captain behaved with great spirit upon this occasion, and a smart colloquy ensued; when, at length, becoming exasperated to the last degree, be roundly asserted, that no soldier ought ever to think hard of the orders of his officer; and, finally, he went as far as to say, that he did not think any gentleman on that ground had any just cause to be offended with him. The dispute was, at length, settled by the captain's sending for some grog, for their present accommodation, and agreeing to omit reading the military law, as directed by a late act, and also all the military manoeuvres, except two or three such easy and simple ones as could be performed within the compass of the shade. After they had drank their grog, and spread themselves' they were divided into platoons.

“Tention the whole!—To the right wheel! Each man faced to the right about.

"Why, gentlemen, I didn't mean for every man to stand still and turn natyrally right round; but when I told you to wheel to the right, I intended for you to wheel round to the right as it were. Please to try that again. gentlemen; every right-hand man must stand fast, and only the others turn round.'

"In a previous part of the exercise it had, for the purpose of sizing them, been necessary to denominate every second person a right-hand man. A very natural consequence was, that on the present occasion those right-hand men maintained their position, and all their intermediate ones

faced about as before.

"Why look at 'em now!' exclaimed the captain in extreme vexation. I'll be dd if you can understand a word I say. Excuse me, gentlemen, but it rayly seems as if you couldn't come at it exactly. In wheeling to the right, the right

Tention the whole! To the left-left noright—that is, the left—I mean the right—left, wheel! march"

“In this he was strictly obeyed; some wheeling to the right, some to the left, and some to the right, left, or both ways.

makes perfect, as the saying is; long as I've served, I find something new to learn every day, but all's one for that: now, gentlemen, do that motion once more.'

"By the help of a non-commissioned officer in front of each platoon, they wheeled this time with considerable regularity.

Now, boys, you must try to wheel by divisions, and there is one thing in particular which I have to request of you, gentlemen, and it is this, not to make any blunder in your wheeling. You must mind and keep at a wheeling distance; and not talk in the ranks, nor get out of fix again; for I want you to do this motion well, and not make any blunder now.

Tention the whole! By divisions! to the right wheel! march.!"

"In doing this, it seemed as if bedlam had broke loose; every man took the command— "Not so fast on the right!-How now! how now! -Haul down those umbrellas!-Faster on the left!-Keep back a little in the middle thereDon't crowd so-Hold up you gun, Sam-Go faster, there! - Faster!-Who trod on me?Dm your huffs, keep back! keep back!— Stop us, captain, do stop us-Go faster there— I've lost my shoe-Get up again-Ned, halt! halt! halt!-Stop, gentlemen! stop! stop!—

"By this time they got into utter and inexplicable confusion, and so I left them.”

As Mr. Madison, the President of the United States, has generally been considered an enemy to this country, and a partizan of France, we shall here present the reader with the political life of that gentleman. He is considered as the pupil of Mr.Jefferson. He was but a youth at the early part of the revolution, yet was actively employed under his great leaders, Franklin, Jefferson, and others, in pro

moting the views of the republican party. His name appears as one of the deputies from Virginia in 1787, for the purpose of forming a new constitution; after which he was variously employed in the subordinate departments of the government, particularly during the secretaryship of Mr. Jefferson in 1793, when he brought forward his project of a commercial discrimination, for the purpose of imposing heavier duties on foreign goods, and promoting domestic manufactures. The French minister, Fauchet, says that Mr. Jefferson was the real author of the proposition thus introduced by Mr. Madison: at all events, it is certain that the former gentleman, in his capacity as secretary of state, had previously made a report to congress on the subject of commerce in the autumn of 1793.

In that report, Mr. Jefferson proposes the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and certain restrictions upon foreign commerce, particularly upon that of Great Britain, who, it seems, had imposed high duties on some of the American productions, and excluded others altogether from her ports. At that time there was no treaty of commerce between the two countries. Mr. Madison's proposition was therefore brought forward rather as a measure of retaliation than to favor any of the views of the French faction; though, in some measure, it unavoidably had that effect: consequently, it excited the violent opposition of the federal party, and was ultimately negatived. Every country, however, possesses a right to regulate its commerce in whatever manner is most to its own advantage. Great Britain had done this, and it was proposed that America should do the same; nor can we see in what shape either Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison can be charged with partiality to France on that score. The federalists, however, persisted in the opinion, that "their real object was to promote and foster the languishing manufactures of France, by an exclusion of those of Great Britain, at the expense of the United States." Fortunately for both countries, a treaty was shortly after concluded by Mr. Jay, who had been appointed envoy to England for that purpose; and thus the commerce and productions of each nation were put upon a reciprocal footing, without resorting to unpleasant and irritating measures.

From that period until he became secretary of state in Mr. Jefferson's presidency, Mr. Madison bore no very conspicuous part in public affairs; but on his entering upon that important office, his name became familiar to all who interested themselves in the affairs of America and the two great belligerent powers of Europe. The repeated disputes, and consequent explanations and negotiations, which have taken place between the three nations for several years past, have certainly given Mr. Madison full employment in his official

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capacity, and made him known to the world in BOOK XI. the character of a diplomatician. The abilities which he has displayed are of no mean stamp; CHAP. IX. but he has exhibited in his diplomatic style of writing a studied obscurity and an intricate verbosity which seem to carry with it a desire in the writer to puzzle, perplex, and prolong the discussion of a business, which ought rather to have been candidly, fairly, and briefly stated, in order to its being brought to an immediate adjustment. It has confessedly been the policy of Mr. Jefferson, and is also the policy of Mr. Madison, his successor, to negotiate rather than fight: hence we have an elucidation of the motives which have hitherto baffled the attempts of the British government to settle our disputes with America: for, had such a settlement taken place as we desired, the United States would inevitably have been plunged into a war with France. This it has been Mr. Jefferson's policy to avoid; in doing which, a show of hostility was necessarily obliged to be kept up towards England.

In the course of the disputes between the two parties on their differences with England and France, they have generally defended the proceedings of that nation to whom they were attached from political or party motives; but this contest has been carried on chiefly by newspaper politicians, and a few factious demagogues, mostly French or British renegadoes, whose inflammatory writings in favor of French principles have been imprudently patronized by the democratic Americans, and hence their party has incurred the severe but just animadversions of the federalists.

As to the great body of the American people, Mr. Lambert is of opinion that they are attached neither to England nor France, further than their own interest leads them; or, if any preference does exist, it is in favor of England, with whom they traffic to a greater extent than any other nation in the world, and with whose interests their own are so closely blended.

Their peculiar form of government, however, renders them liable to be divided in favour of one or other of their principal statesmen who offer themselves as as candidates for the presidency. Hence they become split into parties, and range themselves under their favorite leaders. Europeans settled in the country, as foreigners or adopted citizens, naturally attach themselves to that side which is most congenial to their political sentiments; and the imprudent length which many of them have gone in divulging their opinions, has not only disgraced those who were connected with them, but has injured the American character in the eyes of foreign nations.

An American writer, speaking of the impressment of American seamen by the British ships

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BOOK XI. of war, acknowledges that protections are indis-
criminately granted to foreigners in the American
CHAP. IX
service. "It must not be forgotten," says he,
"that certificates bearing testimony of a seaman's
being an American citizen are very easily obtained
by a little hard swearing. A dollar and a false
oath very often transform a foreigner into an Ame-
rican; and if this ready-made countryman of ours
be impressed into a British ship, we clamour
loudly about the cruelty and injustice of British
naval officers.

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conduct occasioned Mr. Randolph to withdraw himself from the confidence of President Jefferson, and he then repeatedly told the house, that there no longer existed a cabinet-council.

Since then he has taken an active part in opposition to the measures of the democratical party, without absolutely joining the federalists. In thus steering a middle course he has been joined by many other members, who, under his auspices, have lately risen into public notice and esteem. Among them the names of Gardenir, Key, Dana, Otis, and Quincy, are the most conspicuous. In many instances Mr. Randolph's speeches have been favorable to English measures and principles, as opposed to those of France; yet, nevertheless, he possessed that amor patrie which consults only the good of his own country.

"Not many months since, an English lad, not quite nineteen, who had deserted from a British man of war, wished to go out from New York to the East Indies, as seaman, with an American captain. The captain represented the danger of his being impressed by the British, and advised him, at all events, to go and get a certificate of his being a native American. The seaman follow-racter are sufficiently substantiated by his sentied this advice, and returned within a few hours, flourishing a certificate, testifying he was born in America. The captain asked him how he got it. The seaman told him, that he went into the street and found an Irishman, whom he asked to go along with him to the proper officer, and swear that he was born in America; to which the Irishman agreed, and the sailor got the certificate. The captain asked him how much he gave the Irishman. Two dollars,' says the sailor. That was too much,' replied the other, 'you should have got him to do it for half.' Why,' says the sailor, I tried to beat him down to a dollar; but he insisted upon it, that two dollars were little enough in all conscience for a false oath, and that he would not perjure himself for less!" "

The biography of Mr. John Randolph, an eminent character in the United States, and the avowed friend of this country, cannot fail to be interesting. This gentleman, whose name many persons have confounded with that of Edmund Randolph, is a native of Virginia, and born of a very respectable family. Bred up to the profession of the law, attached to antifederal principles, he came into office under Mr. Jefferson's administration. Previous to this Mr. Randolph had, for several years, been a member of Congress; and upon several occasions during Mr. Adams's presidency he contrived materially to turn the current of popular opinion from the federalists to his party.

The indiscreet and intemperate warmth shown by the ruling party towards Great Britain, and their apparently tame acquiescence in the measures of Bonaparte, at length disgusted Mr. Randolph. He began by rebuking Mr. Madison, at that time secretary of state, for acceding to the demand of Turreau, the French ambassador; on which occasion Mr. Madison replied," that France was in want of money, and must have some from the United States." The pretext was payment for the Floridas and Louisiana. This shuffling

The integrity and virtue of this eminent chaments respecting the late Mr. Crowninshiel's proposition for cancelling the national debt in case of war with England. "The gentleman from Massachusetts," says Mr. Randolph, 66 is for spunging the national debt. I can never consent to it. I will never bring the ways and means of fraudulent bankruptcy into your committee of supply. Confiscation and swindling shall never be found among my estimates to meet the current expenditure of peace and war. No, Sir, I have said with the doors closed, and I say so when they are open, Pay the public debt.' Get rid of that dead weight upon your government that cramps all your measures, and then you may set the world at defiance. So long as it hangs upon you, you must have revenue, and to have revenue you must have commerce-commerce, peace."

·

Acting up to these patriotic and virtuous principles, Mr. Randolph was induced to bring forward a series of charges against General Wilkinson for corruption, in having received money at various times from the Spanish government at New Orleans in aid of traitorous practices against the United States. One of the documents which Mr. Randolph presented to the house on that occasion, is as follows:

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Mr. Randolph, upon this and other documents, impeached Wilkinson of being a Spanish pensioner, and pledged himself to prove the charges which he brought against him. A motion was accordingly made to request the president to institute an inquiry into Wilkinson's conduct. In the mean time, Wilkinson challenged Randolph, who replied, that he would not fight him till he had cleared up his character: in consequence of which, the general posted an advertisement up in different parts of the city of Washington, proclaiming John Randolph a prevaricating poltroon and scoundrel.

Mr. Randolph, however, displayed his courage and magnanimity by treating this libel with contempt; and patriotically continued to persevere in the investigation of this unpleasant business. At the examination of witnesses Mr. Randolph, on introducing Mr. Clark's affidavit, said, "The proofs, Mr. Speaker, which have this day been produced against your general-in-chief, together with what I hold in my hand, will convince you, sir, and the world, that he is a base traitor. Believe me, Mr. Speaker, that this poison, this infectious, corrupted disease, is not confined to your general alone; it has, to the disgrace of the American character, I am sorry to say, extended to the army under your general's command! The very stores which descended the Ohio for the Burr conspiracy, were taken, sir, from the American arsenal!"

If this last allegation is true, and it never has been contradicted, we may easily account for the acquittal of General Wilkinson, which afterwards took place. A military court of inquiry was instituted by the president to investigate the charges against him. They acquitted him of all corrupt practices; but acknowledged that he had, at various times, received large sums of money from the governor of New Orleans for tobacco! Excellent management! We think they order these matters better in America than in Europe.

- Mr. Randolph's figure is ordinary and forbidding: tall, lean, pale, and emaciated; he repulses rather than invites. His voice is somewhat feminine; but that is little noticed in the moment he has entered fully upon his subject, whether it be at the convivial table or at the house of representatives. The defects of his person are then forgotten in one continued blaze of shrewd, sensible, and eloquent remarks. By a manner peculiar to himself, be arrests the wandering attention of his auditors, and rouses every slumbering faculty of the mind. The reasoning of Mr. Randolph is never strong and forcible; having a genius which despises the shackles of restraint, he throws off, in the paroxysins of feeling, the chains of argumentation, and ranges, as it were, with a quickened pace and gladdened heart through the wide field of general remark. If forced into a subtle and intri

cate discussion by his opponents, he yields with BOOK XI. infinite reluctance to the imperious necessity of speaking to the judgment, without being permit- CHAP. IX. ted to charm and captivate the imagination. Yet, nevertheless, when he exhibits his subject naked, it has the nerve of Hercules, and is not relieved by a single feature of Adonis.

With the most powerful talents, with superior cultivation of mind, and with the most unsuspecting sincerity in the expression of all his opinions, Mr. Randolph is not calculated for a popular leader. The arts of conciliation are unknown to him. Governed by the dictates of his own manly judgment, he cannot conceive that dependence which shackles weaker minds. It is thus that he never has been known to consult, to advise, or to compromise. His propositions are original: they are brought forward without one inquiry of who is to support, or who is to oppose them. Conscious of the purity of his own intentions, and satisfied with the correctness of his own judg ment, he wishes not to defend the one, he seeks not to confirm the other, by his personal popularity.

Individually, there is no man in the district where he resides who is not better known, or whose manners and public habits are not more pleasing to the people, than Mr. Randolph's. It is probable, that if his election were put on that issue, he would never have held a seat in congress. About him there is an atmosphere of repulsion which few dare to penetrate; but he who has the firmness to do it is eminently rewarded. Ardent and affectionate in his disposition, he is susceptible of strong and permanent affection: but if injured, he exhibits but little of that mild forbearance which is inculcated in the gentle precepts of our holy religion. His private history, however, abounds with evidences of the most humane and philanthropic feeling. One trait in his character denotes his inclination to live in peace and friendship with those around him; he never will converse upon political subjects but with the greatest reluctance, well knowing what acrimony and discord they create, even between the warmest friends.

Although Mr. Randolph possesses general information, he cannot be considered a literary character. Except a minute knowledge of history and geography, his reading has been otherwise superficial. The wit of Mr. Randolph is keen, and too often indulged without regard to its effects on the feeling of others. Sometimes, however, its application is peculiarly happy. Dr. Dana, proverbial for his pedantry, once observed, in the presence of Mr. Randolph, that they were waiting for their stalking library (alluding to Dr. Mitchill): "Sir," said Randolph, "I heard him just now inquire for his index." The adversaries of Mr. Randolph have lately at

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