measures they were taking. They were sending three additional ships of war to Chinese waters, raising the total to six, with crews sufficient to admit of a force being landed. They were ready to send more troops if necessary. I am, &c.,

Lord Currie.

SALISBURY.

SIR,

The Marquess of Salisbury to Sir C. MacDonald.

Foreign Office, July 6, 1900. THE Chinese Minister called on me this evening with a message from Li Hung-chang, who wished to inform me that, in his opinion, the Legations at Peking were still unhurt.

He also wished to consult me as to the possibility of obtaining from the Treaty Powers either a guarantee of the territory of China, or a self-denying Ordinance in any action circumstances may call on them to take in the present disturbed state of the country.

The Minister stated that Russia had been consulted in the same sense, and had expressed her willingness to guarantee the integrity of the Chinese Empire.

I said I was much gratified to hear this; but I could, naturally, not give an answer on so grave a demand without consulting my colleagues, and I would do so without delay. All I could say was that the policy apparently pursued by Russia was entirely in harmony with the principles and objects of this country, and I should be very glad to find the aims of the two Powers entirely coincident.

Sir C. MacDonald.

I am, &c.,

SALISBURY.

Sir E. Monson to the Marquess of Salisbury.-(Received July 7.)

(Extract.)

Paris, July 5, 1900.

I FOUND M. Delcassé very dejected yesterday at the news of the desperate situation of the members of the Diplomatic Body and the other Europeans at Peking.

His Excellency said that the sole preoccupation of himself and his colleagues at this moment was the duty of attempting their rescue, and that the reflection that the whole of Europe appears to be powerless to enforce this rescue as against the Chinese was overwhelmingly terrible to him.

In answer to my remarks that the deficiency of force at the command of the European Powers could be best redressed by encouraging the co-operation of the Japanese to the fullest extent, M. Delcassé said that he also regarded Japan as the most important available factor for the object which all the Powers interested must have in view. He hoped, therefore, that the division which the Japanese Government was understood to have mobilized would be dispatched at once.

He proceeded to enlarge upon the necessity that no jealousy or afterthought should be allowed to hinder unity of action and of direction on the spot. It would never do that the efficiency of the collective European forces, already far too weak and inconsiderable, should be frittered away by isolated action on the part of each.

His Excellency, in connection with this consideration, observed that he need hardly, he supposed, assure me that he, personally, and, he was convinced, his colleagues also, had no other thought at this moment than the rescue of those in danger, if such a rescue be still possible.

I could not but express my approval of all that M. Delcassé said; but I asked him whether he had no definite suggestion to make, or any message which I might report to your Lordship.

Upon this, his Excellency informed me that he had already, yesterday morning, instructed the French Representatives to propose to the Governments of the Powers interested the publication of an identic or collective warning to the de facto Government or authorities at Peking, declaring that they will be held personally responsible for the lives and safety of all the Europeans in the capital.*

M. Delcassé explained that he thought that, while, on the one hand, it is to be conjectured that in one way or another this warning will reach those for whom it is intended at Peking, it will, on the other, show clearly to Europe and to the world at large the solidarity of the agreement between the Powers.

His Excellency seemed to me to attach more importance to this latter point than to the efficacy which such a notification may have at Peking. Indeed, he seemed to acquiesce in the opinion I expressed, that those who had seized upon power in the Chinese capital were hardly likely to be influenced by any warning from the European Powers.

I have no doubt that even before the receipt of the telegram which I dispatched to your Lordship after my interview with M. Delcassé, you will have received from the French Embassy the message forwarded from Paris in the forenoon.

Page 1113.

But I thought it as well to lose no time in reporting the version given of it to me by M. Delcassé himself. The Marquess of Salisbury.

EDMUND MONSON.

Sir E. Monson to the Marquess of Salisbury.-(Received July 7.) MY LORD,

Paris, July 6, 1900.

I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship herewith copy of the urgent note which I have addressed to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, in accordance with the instructions contained in your Lordship's telegram of to-day's date, informing him that Her Majesty's Government have suggested to the Government of Japan that reinforcements should be sent by them to China with the least possible delay. I have, &c.,

The Marquess of Salisbury.

EDMUND MONSON.

(Inclosure.)-Sir E. Monson to M. Delcassé.

M. LE MINISTRE, Paris, July 6, 1900. I AM instructed by Lord Salisbury to inform your Excellency that Her Majesty's Government have this day thought it advisable to suggest to that of Japan that the greatest dispatch should be used by them in sending reinforcements to China.

M. Delcassé.

I have, &c.,

EDMUND MONSON.

Viscount Gough to the Marquess of Salisbury.-(Received July 7.) Berlin, July 5, 1900.

MY LORD,

I HAVE the honour to transmit herewith to your Lordship copy and translation of a Memorandum, which I have this day received from the Imperial German Government, on the subject of the warnings which it has been proposed to address to the authorities at Peking as to the penalties which would be inflicted in the event of the members of the foreign Legations in Peking being murdered. I have, &c.,

The Marquess of Salisbury.

GOUGH.

(Translation.)

(Inclosure.)-Memorandum.

THE Government of His Majesty the Emperor and King cannot, indeed, at the present stage of the Chinese crisis, anticipate any material result from the collective declaration of the Powers, proposed in the aide-mémoire from the British Embassy, to the effect that all persons in power in Peking, whatever their rank, should be held personally responsible for any act of violence committed against the personnel or property of the foreign Legations in Peking.

Guided, however, by the conviction that no means should be left untried, unless hopeless from the outset, for the rescue of the foreigners besieged in Peking, the Imperial Government are very ready to take part, on their side also, in the proposed collective declaration, and to instruct the Imperial Consul in Tien-tsin by telegraph accordingly.

The Government of His Majesty consider, however, that they should give prominence to the fact, that neither would they have held aloof, if the proposal of the Consuls at Tien-tsin, to threaten the destruction of the Chinese Imperial tombs had met with the concurrence of the other Powers. It appears to the Imperial Government in this connection, that the opinion of the Consuls, who, from their immediate vicinity are best qualified to judge the situation, is not without weight, they being unanimously convinced that the threat to destroy the tombs of the present Imperial house would exercise a salutary effect on the rioters, whose principal leader is himself a Prince of the said Imperial house.

It should be observed, in conclusion, that the message from the Imperial Consul refers to tombs near Peking. Consequently the tombs in Manchuria would not be those in question, but rather the so-called " Eastern" tombs, situated near Ma-lan-yu, on this side of the Great Wall.

Berlin, July 4, 1900.

Acting Consul-General Warren to the Marquess of Salisbury.— (Received July 7.)

(Telegraphic.)

Shanghae, July 7, 1900. WITH reference to your Lordship's telegrams of the 6th instant, the Viceroys would be glad to know that a force was ready and prepared to hasten to support them should the necessity arise, but they are not anxious at present for more force at the ports.

The Viceroys have not expressed any wish that troops should be landed at any ports. Yuan Shih-kai, Governor of Shantung, will support the Viceroy Liu's policy, and refuses to march on Nanking.

Mr. Whitehead to the Marquess of Salisbury.-(Received July 8.)

(Telegraphic.)

Tokió, July 8, 1900. I COMMUNICATED to-day to the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs your Lordship's telegrams of the 6th July.

Viscount Aoki said that three batteries of artillery and one regiment of infantry started on the 6th July. Dispatch of troops was proceeding as rapidly as possible.

Sir C. MacDonald to the Marquess of Salisbury.-(Received

MY LORD,

July 9.)

Peking, May 21, 1900.

In my despatch of the 16th April I had to report to your Loriship that, in spite of the commencement of a firmer attitude on the part of the Chinese Government towards the anti-Christian movement in North China, there still existed indications of danger in this neighbourhood from the " Boxer" Society.

The long-continued impunity accorded to this organization, and the supineness and procrastination which the Government had displayed in face of the constantly-repeated representations of the foreign Ministers ever since the month of January, undoubtedly rendered the task of the Chinese authorities, when at last forced to awaken to the danger of the situation, much more difficult than it would have been if taken in hand at an earlier date. The result was that the activity of the " Boxers" showed no signs of diminution: reports of depredations in country districts indicated that armed bands of them were approaching daily nearer to Peking; while in the city itself the frequent spectacle of numbers of young lads practising in a kind of hypnotic frenzy the peculiar gymnastie evolutions inculcated by the craft, and the appearance of numerous virulent anti-foreign placards posted in conspicuous places, combined to create considerable alarm amongst the native Christians of all denominations, a feeling which they were not slow in trying to communicate to their foreign spiritual directors.

I take this opportunity of inclosing a translation of one of