made to "all his subjects," and not merely to those born or domiciled within the islands; and (2) because in this particular case the slave had proceeded of his own free will, as well as with his master's knowledge and permission, to Zanzibar before the publication of the Decree of the 1st Zilkada, and therefore at a time when his master was justified in supposing that Article 2 of Seyyid Ali's Decree was and would continue to remain operative.

The point thus raised has, however, drawn attention to the general question as to the right of mainland slave-owners to demand compensation for the freeing of their slaves in the islands; and I have come to the conclusion that, at any rate in the cases of slaves who entered the islands with the knowledge and consent of their masters since the publication of the Decree abolishing the status of slavery there, this demand cannot be entertained. As far as the mainland owners are concerned, they have not been deprived of the benefits of Article 2 of Seyyid Ali's Decree within the districts in which they themselves are domiciled; and if they bring their slaves with them to Zanzibar, knowing as they now do that the status of slavery is no longer legally recognized or enforced in the islands, they must understand that they do so at their own risk, just as they would if they took them up country into, say, the Province of Ukamba. In both cases they are aware that a slave accompanying them can at any moment demand to be freed; and it would be as well that they should also be warned that in the former case the Courts cannot undertake in future to compensate, and, as regards mainland slaves already in the islands, must reserve their right to consider in each instance all the circumstances of their arrival and residence there.

I have to instruct you to communicate the substance of this despatch to the Collectors, and through them or directly, as you may think most convenient, for the information of slave-owners, to the Walis and other local authorities in those portions of your province which form part of the Zanzibar dominions. I need scarcely observe that subjects of the Sultan of Witu can under no circumstances claim compensation for slaves freed in the Zanzibar Islands. I am, &c.,

J. Tritton, Esq

ARTHUR H. HARDINGE

SIR,

No. 8.-The Marquess of Salisbury to Sir A. Hardinge.

Foreign Office, July 25, 1900 I HAVE received your despatch of the 7th ultimo, and I approve the terms of your instructions to Her Majesty's Sub-Com missioners in the Provinces of Seyyidieh and Tanaland relative to

of these shambas to send the freed slaves on their own days when they have no work to the neighbouring shambas where labour is needed and there to clean a clove plantation at the rate of 2 pice a tree, or cocoa-nuts at from thirty to forty for 1 rupee; and as this work will be done on the freed slaves' own days they will receive the pay.

To carry out this idea it will be necessary to open a labour bureau in Chak Chak and Weti, and, upon a shamba owner giving notice that he wants labour, to send a letter to the nearest shamba having surplus labour requesting the manager to supply it to the applicant.

The freeing of the slaves has, without doubt, affected the even distribution of labour, causing considerable dislocation of labour in Pemba, for, while some districts are over supplied with labour, others have not sufficient labour to carry on the work of the shambas.

I propose, as soon as the rains are over, to visit the whole of Pemba, district by district, and make a careful numeration of the number of people working on each large shamba, and wherever I find a district congested I shall draft off the surplus labour to where it is more needed, taking as my basis the number of clove trees and cocoa-nut trees on a shamba. This work will require a good deal of care and personal supervision.

The clove crop of this past season was a small one and it was gathered without difficulty, labourers coming in gangs from districts where the clove crop had been a failure to those shambas where there were good crops aud plenty of work.

The labourers are beginning to realize and appreciate the advantage to themselves of the clove harvest as a means of saving a good sum of money, sufficient to pay off their debts, buying new clothes, &c.

In keeping the freed slaves steadily at work we have two great difficulties to contend with: One is their habit of spending whole nights dancing and then being quite unfit for work the following day. This difficulty we have met by prohibiting all dancing without special permission except on Thursday night after sunset until Friday night, 9 P.M., at gun-fire, when all dancing must cease. During these twenty-seven hours every week they may dance as much as they please. Friday, being the Mahommedan Sabbath, is always an off day.

The next difficulty is that British Indians of the Khoja sect sell a cheap alcoholic spirit made in Hamburg from potatoes. This is sold in quart bottles and labelled "Eau de Cologne," it has a maddening effect upon the natives, and I have heavily fined several Khojas who have been convicted of selling it to them; but the police find it difficult to obtain sufficient evidence to insure a conviction.

Still, I think the condition and prospects of Pemba are fairly satisfactory.

The freed slaves can by cultivating their own large plots, and earning money by extra work, obtain a very good living, food being remarkably cheap for them at the present time. In fact, they are well clothed, well fed, and, if constant merriment means happiness they are happy and without a care. I consider their condition far superior in physical comfort to that of European labourers.

There is no doubt but that the Government has been amply justified in proceeding slowly and cautiously in the emancipation of the slaves. We now see the advantages of it in every way, for as the slaves are freed, with few exceptions, they settle steadily on the land, and will form a most valuable agricultural population in the future.

Had the Government listened to the excited and hysterical antislavery cries of young and very inexperienced agents working in certain Missions, there is no doubt but that the future prospect for the island would have been dark indeed, and we should now be in the same depressed condition that the West Indies were after their sudden emancipation. Labour would have been utterly disorganized and the land filled with vagrants and squatters leading idle and useless lives, while the plantations and industries of the country would have been ruined.

I really believe that, given earnest and conscientious work on the part of the officials of the Government, the Island of Pemba has a bright future before it.

It would greatly facilitate my work in dealing with the labour question if the Government would supply me with a steam-launch, as nearly every part of the island can be easily reached from the sea; but it must be of sufficient power to make headway against heavy seas and a strong monsoon.

December 31, 1900.

J. P. FARLER,

His Highness' Commissioner for Pemba.

(Inclosure 4.)-Mr. H. Lister to Sir Ll. Mathews.

DEAR SIR LLOYD MATHEWS,

Zanzibar, January 27, 1901. I HAVE received information from Pemba that some press cuttings have been received there from England wherein it has been stated by some members of the Friends that Zanzibar Government officials have deliberately hindered the emancipation of the slaves, and that it has been their united effort to nullify the Slavery Decree.

The slaves on their side are influenced by the state of their surroundings. If they are in comfortable quarters and the work they are required to do by their owners is of an easy and congenial kind, they will not be quick to leave their owners and an easy life, and exchange their present state for one of comparative hard work, which necessarily follows the acceptance of freedom. Also it frequently happens that individual slaves have considerable influence over others, and these may use their persuasive powers to induce their fellow slaves to apply for freedom or otherwise.

Generally speaking, the majority of slaves see that they are not likely to gain any very great present advantage by seeking for freedom; but rather, finding that those who are freed are thrown entirely on their own resources, which are few, for a living, they are led to prefer to remain as they are.

Again, the influence and action of the owners has a considerable power in determining the number of the slaves freed. They, the masters, have now learned that if they wish to retain their slaves and have the benefit of their services, they must fulfil the duties of a master towards them more fully than they did in the past. This has been recognized and somewhat acted upon by many of the owners, and the slaves finding their condition bettered see that it is much to their advantage to remain where they are, rather than to acquire the uncertain privileges of freedom and personal independence.

There can scarcely be a doubt that the greater number of slaves prefer to remain where and as they are; still, a small percentage of slaves, mechanics, artisans, and others who have a profession of their own, see the advantage to be gained by freedom on account of their own personal ability to earn a fair living, and several of these have applied for and obtained their freedom.

Some few slaves apply for their freedom on their own initiative, being led to do so by some disagreement either with their owners or with their fellow-slaves. Others seek their freedom, being moved by a feeling of discontent with their present lot and a desire that they may be able to better their circumstances if acting on independent lines.

This last class of slaves are, I think, by far the best, and likely to become most useful, as their motive for gaining freedom, viz., to improve their condition, implies progress and a willingness to work on the part of these individuals, and a possibility that they will become really useful members of the general community.

It is probable that a number of the slaves are induced to claim freedom by their owners, masters, or mistresses, from a desire to get as full a value from their slaves as possible; and, knowing the uncertain nature of the services their slaves may render, or the pay

they may bring, they prefer to get full value at once-such owners appear to have a desire to make as much as possible pecuniarily out of the slaves they hold rather than to retain them in their services for the benefit of the plantations and general good.

The consideration of such cases should, I think, give a reason for the reconstruction of the system of paying compensation to owners of freed slaves. Especially is this needed in such cases where it may be shown that the owners have plantations, and the slaves are willing to remain; but the owners induce them to seek for freedom that they may get the value of their slaves in a lump sum of money.

There are other reasons which tend to show the advisability of reconstruction or abolition of the system of paying compensation to the owners for slaves freed.

About five years ago a slave was held to be of a certain value Since that time there are but few slaves who have not more than earned for their owners the value at which they were held five years ago. Practically they have redeemed themselves by their own earnings, and so, at least, the owners cannot hold their slaves at the same high value they did five years ago, and ought, if not to give their slaves absolute freedom, freely, at least, to be given a much modified compensation.

The actual number of slaves freed in the Commissioner's Court during the past year is 1,126. Of these 580 are males and 546 females, as will be seen from the inclosed Appendix No. 1. Slaves came up for freedom in greater numbers during the first quarter of the year than they did during the remaining months. Some of the causes for this difference are already explained in this Report, and for the summer months of the year, this being the time of plenty, and the people being engaged on their own plots of land, they would not be so eager to seek for freedom.

Of the 1,126 slaves freed, 867, or 77 per cent., were born on the mainland of Africa, the remaining 259, or 23 per cent., were born in Zanzibar Island. Slaves born on the Island of Zanzibar are called "wazalia." These 1,126 slaves were of 40 different African tribes, being chiefly taken from the following six tribes: Mhyao, Muyasa, Manyuema, Muyamwezi, Mgindo, and Mzaramu. These six tribes supplied 885 slaves, or 73 per cent. of the number freed during the year. This tends to show that by far the greater part of the slaves brought into Zanzibar came from the Central Lakes regions-the numbers taken from the tribes living near the coast being comparatively few.

It is interesting to note how the native mind is attracted to town rather than to a country life. This is what might be expected, for the native in almost every part of Africa-certainly in East and