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loved brother Joseph Napoleon, the present king of Naples and Sicily, to be king of Spain and India.

We guarantee to the king of Spain the independence and integrity of his states in Europe, as well as in A frica, Asia, and America; charging the lieutenant-general of the kingdom, the ministers, and the council of Castile to cause this proclamation to be expedited, and publicly announced, according to the usual custom, that none may plead ignorance hereof.

Given at our Imperial Palace at
Bayonne, June 6, 1808.
(Signed)

NAPOLEON.

H. B. MARET,
Minister of State.

No. 25.-Answer of the Bishop of
Orense.

Answer returned to the Junta of the government, by Don Pedro de Quevedo y Quintano, Bishop of Orense, upon the occasion of his having been named deputy of the junta, at Bayenne:

Most excellent Sir-An ecclesiastic of Corunna delivered to me, on the evening of Wednesday, the 25th inst. your Excellency's letter of the 19th, by which, amongst other things, I see myself named as a deputy, to attend at the assembly which is to be held at Bayonne, in order to concur in whatever may promote the happiness of the monar chy, in conformity to the wishes of the great emperor of the French, zealous to raise it to the highest degree of prosperity and glory.

Although my abilities are weak, I will yield to no one in my wishes for the true happiness and glory of the nation, and would omit nothing

which was in my power, and which I thought would promote it. But my age of 73 years, an actual indisposition, and others to which I am subject, prevent me from taking so long a journey, within so short a time, that would scarcely be sufficient for performing it, and still less for considering before-hand my duty, and for acquiring the information and instruction which ought to precede it. On this account I consider myself as under the necessity of exonerating myself of this charge, which I hereby do; not doubting but his serene highness the Duke of Berg, and the Supreme Junta of government, will consider as just and necessary my supplication that they would admit of so legitimate an excuse, as an exemption.

At the same time, with regard to the good of the nation, and to the intentions of the emperor and king, who desires to be, as it were, the angel of peace, and its protector and tutelary spirit, and who does not forget what he has so often manifested, the great interest which he takes in seeing the people and sovereigns who are his allies increase in power, in riches, and happiness of every kind; I take the liberty of representing to the Supreme Junta of government, and through them to the emperor and king of Italy, that which, previously to treating upon the business for which it appears to be convened, I should say and protest, in the assembly of Bayonne, if I could be present there.

The question is, of remedying evils, repairing injuries, of improving the condition of the nation, and the monarchy; but upon what basis and foundation? Is there any approved

method, any firm authority, recognised by the nation, for doing this? Will she enslave herself, and expect her safety by this measure? And

are there not diseases which are aggravated and exasperated by medicines; of which it has been saidtangent vulnera sacra núllæ manus? And does it not appear, that the maladies were of this class which have drawn the attention of his powerful protector, the emperor Napoleon, to his ally, the royal family of Spain? Their evils are so increased, that their health is, as it were, despaired of. They see themselves shut up in the French empire, in a country which had banished them for ever; and, returned to their primitive cradle, they find a tomb, (by a civil death,) there, where their elder branch was cut off by the rage and violence of a mad and sanguinary revolution. And, in this state, what can Spain hope for? Will her cure be more favourable? The means and medicines do not promise it. The abdication of her kings at Bayonne, and of the infantes at Bourdeaux, where it is to be believed that they could not be free, where they beheld themselves surrounded by force and artifice, and deprived of the lights and assistance of their faithful vassals; these abdications, which cannot be conceived, and appear impossible, considering the natural impressions of paternal and filial affection, and the honour and lustre of the whole family, in which all honourable men take so much interest; these abdications, which have become suspected by the whole nation, and upon which depends the whole authority which the emperor and king can justly make use of, require, in order to make them firm and valid, and, at least, for the satisfaction

of the whole Spanish monarchy, to be ratified by the king and infants, who have made them, when free from all restraint and fear. And nothing would be so glorious for the great emperor Napoleon I. who has taken so much interest in them, as to restore to Spain her august monarch and his family, and to provide that, in her own bosom, and in a general cortes of the kingdom, they should act according to their free choice, and that the nation itself, with the independence and sovereignty to which it is competent, should proceed, in consequence, to recongise, for its legitimate king, him whom nature, right, and circumstances, should call to the Spanish throne.

This magnanimous and generous proceeding would be the greatest eulogium of the emperor, and would be more grand and admirable for him than all the victories and laurels which crown him, and distinguish him amongst all the monarchs of the earth. And Spain too would escape the most disastrous lot which threatens her, and might finally recover from all her evils and enjoy a perfect health, and then give thanks to God, and pay the most sincere acknowledgments to its saviour and true protector, then the greatest of the emperors in Europe, the moderate, just, magnanimous, and beneficent Napoleon the Great.

At present Spain cannot but behold him under a very different aspect. She sees, or thinks she sees in him the oppressor of her princes, and of herself. She looks upon herself as enchained and enslaved, when happiness is offered to her. More than is worked by artifice, is done by violence, and by an army which has been admitted as a friend, either

by indiscretion or timidity, or perhaps by a vile treason which serves to give an authority that cannot easily be esteemed legitimate.

Who appointed the serene Duke of Berg lieutenant-governor of the kingdom? Is it not an appointment made at Bayonne by an affectionate king, worthy of all the respect and love of his vassals, but who is in the hands of persons imperious through the ascendance which they have gained over his heart, and the force and power to which he is subjected? And is it not a deceitful illusion to name for lieutenant-general of this kingdom the commander of an army which threatens it, and immediately to abdicate the crown? Did Charles IV. wish to return to the throne merely to take it from his sons? And was it necessary to name a lieutenant, who, by his authority, and by a military force, would impede every effort which might be made to avoid the consummation of a project of this nature? I doubt whether, not only in Spain, but in all Europe, there can be found one sincere person who would not cry out in his heart against such extraordinary, and, to say no more, such suspicious acts.

To conclude the nation sees itself, as it were, without a king, and knows not to whom to adhere. The abdication of its kings, and the appointment of a lieutenant-governor of the kingdom, are acts done in France, and under the eye of an emperor, who has persuaded himself that he shall make Spain happy, in giving her a new dynasty, which is to have its origin in that family, so fortunate, that it is thought incapable of producing princes, who have not the same or greater talents for governing people than the invinci

ble, the victorious, the legislator, the philosopher, the great emperor Napoleon. The supreme junta of government, besides all the objections insinuated above, with its president in arms, and surrounded by an army, must be considered as deprived of its freedom, and the councils and tribunals of the court are in the same situation. What confusion! what a chaos! and what a source of misfortune for Spain! They cannot be provided against by any assembly convoked out of the kingdom, whose members neither possess their freedom, nor if they did, could believe they possessed it—and if to this we add, the tumultuous moments which may be apprehended within the kingdom, the pretensions of foreign princes and states, succours offered or solicited, and troops which may come to combat, in her bosom, the French and their partizans—what desolation, what more lamentable scene can be conceived! The compassion, the love, the interest, which the emperor and king takes in their welfare, may, instead of curing her, cause the greatest disasters.

I beg then, with all respect, that these, in my opinion, just apprehensions, may be laid before the supreme junta of government, and likewise submitted to the great Napoleon. I have hitherto been able to rely upon the rectitude of his heart, as free from ambition, and averse to deceit, and an artificial policy;-and I still hope, that he will recognise, that it cannot be for the good of Spain, to enslave her, and that he will not persist in applying remedies to her, when in fetters, as she is neither mad nor raving.—Let a legitimate authority be first established, and then let us think of the remedies.

These are my wishes, which I have not feared to make known to the junta of the government, and to the emperor himself, because I have considered, that if they were not listened to, they would at least be looked upon, (as in reality they are,) as the effect of my love to my country, and to the august family of its kings, and of my duty as a counsellor, the temporal title of which is attached to the episcopacy of Spain-and in addition to this, I consider them as not only useful, but necessary to the true glory and happiness of the illustrious hero, whom Europe admires, whom all venerate, and to whom I have the happiness of offering, on this occasion, my respectful, humble, and obsequious respects.-God grant your Excellency the happy years which I wish you.

Orense, May 29, 1808. No. 26. Declaration of War against the Emperor of France, Napoleon

the First.

France, under the government of the emperor Napoleon the first, has violated towards Spain the most sacred compacts-has arrested her monarchs-obliged them to a forced and manifestly void abdication and renunciation; has behaved with the same violence towards the Spanish nobles whom he keeps in his power -has declared that he will elect a king of Spain, the most horrible attempt that is recorded in history— has sent his troops into Spain, seized her fortresses and her capital, and scattered his troops throughout the country has committed against Spain all sorts of assassinations, robberies, and unheard of cruelties; and this he has done with the most enormous ingratitude to the services which the Spanish nation has rendered France, to the friendship it

has shewn her, thus treating it with the most dreadful perfidy, fraud, and treachery, such as was never committed against any nation, or monarch, by the most barbarous or ambitious king or people. He has, in fine, declared, that he will trample down our monarchy, our fundamental laws, and bring about the ruin of our holy catholic religion.. The only remedy, therefore, for such grievous ills, which are so manifest to all Europe, is in war, which we declare against him. In the name, therefore, of our king, Ferdinand the seventh, and of all the Spanish nation, we declare war by land and sea against the emperor Napoleon the first, and against France; we are determined to throw off her domination and tyranny, and command all Spaniards to act hostilely against her, to do her all possible damage place an embargo upon all French according to the laws of war, to ships in our ports, and all property, and effects, in whatever part of Spain they may be, whether belonging to the government or to the individuals of that nation. In the same manner we command, that no embarrassment, nor molestation, be done to the English nation, nor its government, nor its ships, property, or effects, nor any individual of that nation. We declare that there shall be open and free communication with England, that we have contracted, and will keep an armistice with her, and that we hope to conclude a durable and lasting peace. Moreover we protest, we will not lay down our arms till the emperor Napoleon the first, has restored to Spain our king, Ferdinand the seventh, and the rest of the royal family; has respected the sacred rights of the nation, which he has violated, and her liberty, integrity, and inde

pendence. With the same understanding and accordance with the Spanish nation, we command that the present solemn declaration be printed, posted, and circulated, among all the people and provinces of Spain and America, that it may be known in Europe, Africa, and Asia:-Given in the royal palace of Alcazar at Seville, this 6th of June, 1808. By order of the supreme junta of government.

MANUEL MARIA AGUILAR, Sec.
JUAN BAUTISTA PARDO, Sec.

Instruction from the Supreme Junta of the Government, to all Cities and Towns, to be executed with the utmost promptitude.

1. In cities and towns consisting of 2000 or more householders, a junta shall be established, which shall superintend all arrangements, and shall be obeyed by all the inhabitants; and in places of smaller size, the ayuntamientos shall hold the place and perform the functions of the juntas.2. It is ordered, that with the concurrence of the ayuntamiento, clergy, prelates, priest, nobles, and other persons, so assembled, a junta of six be formed to receive orders from the supreme junta, and correspond therewith, and in every particular act under their authority; and the inhabitants and the corregida are required to obey them in their office, and every thing thereunto appertaining.-3. It shall be the duty of this junta to enlist the inhabitants from the age of 16 to 45, first, such as volunteer their services, and then all the secular inhabitants of the aforesaid age, to form them in companies, to assign them respectable persons for captains, lieu

tenants, and ensigns, with full power to name serjeants and corporals, which they will proceed to do with all possible dispatch.-4. They will instruct the towns of their districts, and even those of the neighbouring districts, to submit to the same regulations, enlistments, and appointments, and to advise the junta thereof without delay.-5. For the present, each company shall remain in its district, but the junta is empowered, if it think fit, to call together the enlisted companies in the other towns.-6. The junta will name a confidential

under its direction, the funds which person to administer, must meet the expences of the present occasion.-7. These funds shall be raised by orders of the junta to all corporations and rich individuals, and over and above a subscription shall be opened, that all the inhabitants may contribute in proportion to their zeal for their king and coun try, and the urgent necessity of the cause.-8. To these funds shall be

added patriotic loans of money, to be afterward repaid in full; and it is expected from the public spirit of the inhabitants, that there will be no occasion for forced loans, or any other proceeding, which, though it might be violent, would still be justifiable by the necessity of the case. -9. This proclamation (bando) shall be printed and published by this su preme junta, and shall be placarded and circulated in all places.-10. All the magistrates and public functionaries are for the present confirmed in their respective offices.

D. J. BAUTISTA ESTELLER, Sec. D. J. B. PARDO, Sec. Seville, 29th May, 1808.

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