Kissinger: You cite 69 C-141 flights, but what could we do intelligently?

Colby: Send five or six plane loads.

Kissinger: That plus two a week thereafter?

Colby: Yes, we could keep something going that way.

Kissinger: I would like to see a schedule on that.

(To Sisco) Do you agree?

Sisco: No. I do not think that our interests in Angola are significant enough to warrant covert action. It is simply not important enough. Kissinger: You're willing to let it go Communist?

Sisco: Yes.

Kissinger: And Zaire?

Sisco: I'm not so sure that would happen. I'm just not sure that covert action would help.

Kissinger: Well, we will never know if we don't try.

Sisco: (To Hyland) You have views on this; say your piece, Bill.
Hyland: We have played around with Roberto...

Kissinger: Well, State is committed to see that nothing happens in Angola.

Hyland: Roberto has constantly lost strength, he is weak.

Kissinger: Why? Because we've not supported him.

Hyland: Roberto won't go out into the country; he's weak, he's had every opportunity but has lost ground. Savimbi is stronger. Mobutu could do more if he wanted to. Roberto has only a rag-tag army. Kissinger: How can he defeat anyone with a rag-tag army? Hyland: He has had every opportunity to win over the years and

hasn't.

Colby: Savimbi may be better; let's support Savimbi but don't throw Roberto over.

Hyland: If Mobutu is so sold on him, why doesn't he help? He could pass him $1 million.

Nelson: He is sending North Korean arms now, so he is doing something.

Kissinger: What you are saying is that the Soviets and Chinese should take action, but the U.S. should not. That's what it comes down to.

Hyland: Our biggest asset is that we are not involved militarily. We can go and say to Africans that we are staying out and Africans can face up to the fact that it is the Communists who are sending arms.

Sisco: We are considering an aid package to Mobutu, and he can do something with that.

Hyland: We must get Kaunda to help with arms, but it is doubtful that he will go along.

Potts: Kaunda has gone back and forth. Savimbi saw him recently and said that Kaunda said he would let arms go through.

Kissinger: How can we find out?

Colby: Ask him.

Clements: I don't believe we should walk away from this. I don't have the long-term background that the rest of you do, but I've visited this area and we can't let the Communists just do what they want. We have Mobutu there, and we should try to help him implement his policy. Let's get going. If we can depend upon him with a degree of reasonable expectation, then by God we should help him do it.

Kissinger: It is a question of his perception of who is behind him. (To Hyland) You're sophisticated enough to understand that. What he wants to know is if the U.S. is politically interested.

Hyland: He must know about the [dollar amount not declassified] to Roberto.

Kissinger: Oh, come on!

Potts: The Yugoslavs have given $1 million; the Swedes large amounts. We don't know what amounts the Soviets have spent, but they have people there, armored personnel carriers, etc.

Colby: Let's give dollars and let them decide what to do with it-if they want to buy arms-and this will keep Congress off our backs. Kissinger: I'm surprised at you, Bill (Hyland). They can get involved but we can't.

Hyland: If you do go in, you can't use a program that will fail. That means massive intervention, and I do not think we can stand the heat in Africa.

Colby: Not if we just give money. Let's go the funding route first. I'm scared of the Congress on this.

Kissinger: I'm scared of losing. Is anyone else? Why would Zaire break with the USSR and Yugoslavs if the U.S. will not give political support? And don't tell me that political support is an aid package. Where do we stand?

Sisco: Disapprove.

Colby: Funds, but not arms.

Clements: Do as quickly as possible. They can use money to get their own arms. They only want small arms. We can guide them, if necessary.

Kissinger: Some of my staff argue that Mobutu is not long for this

world.

him.

Colby: He shows signs of instability, but we can still work with

Kissinger: That's no bar.

Clements: What would you get in his place? Probably something

worse.

Colby: He has money problems, and the aid package could help him there.

Kissinger: If we don't do something we are going to have a string of countries dependent upon the USSR.

Colby: The big issue is the black/white one.

Sisco: Yes.

Colby: The extremists will exacerbate this situation. We need to work with the moderate leaders.

Kissinger: Can you tactfully ask Kaunda what he will do?

Colby: He is basically sympathetic to Savimbi.

Potts: We'll get an answer on the basis of financial support. If we promise support to Savimbi, he will agree.

Kissinger: If all the surrounding countries see Angola go Communist, they will assume that the U.S. has no will. Coming on top of Vietnam and Indochina their perception of what the U.S. can and will do will be negative. If the USSR can do something in a place so far away, what is the U.S. going to do?

Clements: We ought to do something. We've already taken too much time.

Kissinger: Not because of me. I tried to get something going six weeks ago. The President is going to do something anyway. The President noticed an item in his daily intelligence brief this morning on Angola and asked why we weren't doing something. Brent said the bureaucracy was against it, and the President responded that he wanted to do something.

Colby: Let's give [dollar amount not declassified] right away and maybe the full [dollar amount not declassified] over a month. We can come back to the Committee before doing anything about arms.

Kissinger: I think Vance should go to Mobutu.

Colby: I'm afraid of Congress on arms.

Clements: If we give money then they can buy arms and we won't

have to send any. We can help him a bit.

Nelson: We need to talk to Kaunda, too-he has the arms.
Kissinger: How soon could you do this?

Colby: Right away.

Kissinger: Tell Kaunda that if he cooperates he will get money. I am sure the President will approve.

Hyland: For Roberto and Savimbi?

Colby: Yes, agree on [dollar amount not declassified] and we'll come back if we need more.

Kissinger: The President favored [dollar amount not declassified] Colby: I would be wary of trying that now while the House is marking up our budget. This could work against us.

Kissinger: How many committees must be briefed?
Colby: Six.

Kissinger/Sisco/Colby: Incredible!

Colby: All six know we're giving peanuts to Roberto.

Kissinger: (To Sisco) Do me a two-page summary of why State does not approve." (To Colby) Reduce that chart to something I can hand to the President; add the impact issue under Unfavorable. (To Sisco) Tell Vance to be ready to go Friday.7

Hyland: The first phase of Option Three?

Potts: The [dollar amount not declassified] and we will come back for more if arms involved?

Kissinger: We need to hear from Mobutu. Must give substantial aid. Do it fast.

Clements: We want to ask him how he is going to spend it.

Kissinger: Send someone with Vance.

Colby: Certainly. [less than 1 line not declassified]

Kissinger: [less than 1 line not declassified]

Potts: We ought to deal directly with Savimbi.

Hyland: How would you do that?

Potts: We can send him a message and he will meet us outside. Kissinger: We need a program in detail other than the funds. The working group should have this ready by Thursday-who contacts whom, when and what for. Someone will go with Vance before we send arms.

6

"In a memorandum to Scowcroft, July 15, Sisco explained the Department of State's opposition: "In sum: (1) we have no vital interests; (2) the risks of exposure are extreme; (3) our clients will be discredited; and (4) the results will be indecisive." (National Security Council, Ford Administration Intelligence Files, Angola)

7 July 18.

116. Paper Submitted to the 40 Committee1

Washington, undated.

PLAN FOR COVERT ACTION-ANGOLA

Background

A. Intelligence Brief—Angola—16 July 75

1. After almost a week of intense fighting in Luanda, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has forced its rival, the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), to withdraw from the city. The fighting may well have destroyed the fragile six-monthold transitional government set up to lead Angola to independence.

2. The FNLA's senior representative in the transitional government, Johnny Eduardo Pinnock has announced his resignation. Pinnock and a number of the FNLA's leaders in Luanda have fled to Zaire.

3. During the fighting, the Zairian press announced that Agostinho Neto, president of the MPLA, had been ousted by Major Nito Alves, one of his major military commanders. Although Neto's ouster has not been confirmed, Pinnock said publicly that the MPLA is now controlled by "extremists" who have taken over from Neto. With Pinnock, and perhaps Neto, out of the way, and Front President Holden Roberto still apparently refusing to leave Zaire for Angola, the territory's transition to independence has been severely jolted, even though the transitional government has been largely a facade during the more than six months it has been in existence.

4. The Portuguese do not want their decolonization effort in the territory open to charges that independence was given to one group by default or by armed takeover. Lisbon will probably try to convince the FNLA to return to the government. The FNLA is unlikely to return unless the Portuguese can guarantee peace in the territory at least until national elections can be held.

5. Pinnock's resignation, which carried an acknowledgement that the FNLA is mobilizing for full-scale war throughout the northern part of the territory that it controls, was probably designed in large part to prod the Portuguese into imposing a truce through force of arms. Such a truce may be the FNLA's best chance to pull itself together. With the exception of a few small garrisons scattered around the environs of Luanda, the FNLA is now isolated in northern Angola, separated from

1 Source: Department of State, INR/IL Historical Files, Africa, Latin America, InterAgency Intelligence Committee Files, Angola-Washington. Secret; Sensitive. The paper was submitted to the 40 Committee on July 16.