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and which cannot, without great public mischief, be postponed until the establishment of permanent civil government; and all such franchises shall terminate one year after the establishment of such permanent civil government.

This will effectually discourage speculation, jobbery, and the alienation by Americans to Americans of those lands and resources of our island "wards." The resolution could not possibly have passed the senate without this just and essential restriction.


We turn now to the action on Cuba. many conferences and much labor the senate committee on relations with Cuba reported, by way of amendment to the army appropriation bill, a resolution setting forth the conditions precedent to the withdrawal of the American army of occupation from Cuba and the fulfillment of the pledge embodied in the Teller resolution which accompanied the declaration of war upon Spain. Senator Teller is a member of the committee, and there are two Democrats and one Populist on it, yet there was no minority report, and the vote in favor of the amendment was unanimous in committee. The Teller resolution reads thus: "The United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people." It is this language which caused the supreme court to hold in the Neely case that Cuba was a foreign country in every sense and that pacification must be regarded as the sole object of American occupation. It is in the light of this pledge that the Cuban amendment, which passed both branches of congress and received the president's signature late in the session, must be read by conscientious Americans. The amendment demands the recognition by Cuba of certain rights or claims of the United States-such recognition to be contained either in the constitution or in an ordinance appended thereto, and to be embodied also in a permanent treaty between Cuba and the United States. The conditions are seven in number, and are as follows:

1. That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or otherwise lodgment in or control over any portion of said island.

2. That said government shall not assume or contract any public debt, to pay the interest upon which and to make reasonable sinking-fund provision for the

ultimate discharge of which the ordinary revenues of the island, after defraying the current expenses of government, shall be inadequate.

3. That the government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for tenance of a government adequate for the protection of the preservation of Cuban independence, the mainlife, property and individual liberty and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba.

4. That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated and all lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be maintained and protected.

5. That the government of Cuba will execute and, as far as necessary, extend the plans already devised or other plans to be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemics and infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba as well as to the commerce of the southern ports of the United States and the people residing therein.

6. That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the

proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being left to future adjustment by treaty.

7. That to enable the United States to maintain the

independence of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the president of the United States.

The prevailing opinion is that these conditions are "moderate," far within reason, necessary to Cuba's welfare and our own order and peace; but the argument against this is that the above program means American suzerainty over Cuba and the establishment of a protectorate, with all its difficulties and possibilities of friction. Moreover, control of foreign relations, credit, sanitation, and debt, and indefinite right in internal affairs for the maintenance of liberty and property rights would certainly seem to be negatived by the promise of "non-control" and non-interference made so expressly by the Teller resolution. Senators Morgan, Tillman, and Pettigrew denounced the amendment as a repudiation of the national pledge and a deliberate breach of faith, and several Republican and independent journals took the same view. It was even predicted that the Cubans would revolt, and that unless the United States receded, force would be necessary.

The delegates to the Cuban constitutional convention may decline the American terms. They have informed General Wood that they would grant no condition tending to compromise the independence and sovereignty of the island, and that they would only agree to recognize the Monroe doctrine and bind Cuba not to permit its territory to be used as a base of military operations by any foreign power. However, the negotiations.

and discussions are still proceeding, and at this writing it is impossible to say whether Cuba will accept or reject the congressional scheme of future relations."


"Catholic emancipation" was the phrase was accomplished only after a notable political struggle. It is a strange fact that the Duke of Norfolk, hereditary earl marshal of England, whose office requires him to take a No incident connected with the passing of leading part in the ceremonial of the oath, the British scepter from the hand of Victoria is himself a Roman Catholic, the head of I. to Edward VII. has properly attracted so the ancient family of Howard. It was he, much notice as his taking the "No Popery a privy councilor of England, who attracted Oath." Historically this requirement goes such attention to himself early in the year back to the age of the Stuart kings, and is by an effusive expression of loyalty which, one of the safeguards by which the succes- as the head of a deputation of English sion to the throne is secured to the Protes- pilgrims, he presented to Pope Leo XIII. tant line. The oath which was taken by the His name, with those of some thirty Catholic king in the presence of the Lords Spiritual peers, was signed to an address to the lord and Temporal, is an explicit denial of belief chancellor protesting against the oath. in the Romish doctrine of Transubstantiation, They profess to believe that the sovereign and includes a solemn declaration that "the would gladly have been relieved of the invocation or adoration of the Virgin Mary obligations which the law made unavoidable, or any other saint, and the sacrifice of the of heaping contumelious epithets upon the Mass," are "superstitions and idolatrous." religious tenets of millions of his most Furthermore, the king had to swear that the devoted subjects. They say, "While we declaration was made" without any evasion, submit to the law, we cannot be wholly We desire to imequivocation, or mental reservation what- silent on this occasion. soever, and without any dispensation already press on your lordship that the expressions granted me for this purpose by the pope, or used in this declaration made it difficult and any other authority or person whatsoever, painful for Catholic peers to attend today in and without any hope of any such dispensa- the House of Lords in order to discharge tion from any person whatsoever, and without their official or public duties." Several thinking that I am or can be acquitted before God or man of any part thereof, although the pope or any other person or persons or power whatsoever should dispense with or annul the same, or declare that it was null and void from the beginning. The oath is a survival of the time when the religious feeling of England was very different from its present condition. It was until a comparatively recent date one of many "test oaths which must be taken not only by public officials in church and state, but by professors and students in the universities. The repeal of these tests

incidents growing out of the ceremonial are noteworthy. Cardinal Vaughan "with the hope of repairing and cancelling the injuries thus committed against the Divine Majesty" ordered a general commission of reparation "to be celebrated in every Catholic church in England on the second Sunday in Lent. In Paris when a mass commemorative of the queen was celebrated in a Catholic church to which the British ambassador issued invitations, the French press was not slow to point a finger at the hollowness of a profession which condemned at home as idolatrous a practise which it officially patronized


-Cleveland Plain Dealer.

abroad. In Canada the ever-smouldering fire of religious rivalry seemed on the point of flaming up again when a Catholic member of parliament offered a resolution asking for the abolition of the No-Popery declaration as offensive to Roman Catholics. Premier Laurier had the tact to give the motion his immediate support, telling the house that the government would not consider this a ministerial question, and leaving every member free to vote according to his individual opinion.


In 1840, at the age of twenty, Queen

Victoria took as her prince-consort, Albert, 1868 the breach between President Johnson of the little German duchy, Saxe-Coburg- and congress, growing out of his disreGotha. It is interesting to note that a few gard of the tenure of office law, resulted days after Victoria's death, Wilhelmina, in the impeachment of the president. A twenty years of age, Queen of Holland, took committee of the House of Representatives as her prince-consort, Henry, of Mecklen- conducted the prosecution. The senate, burg-Schwerin, a little German principality. Chief Justice Chase presiding, constituted Wilhelmina is the daughter of King William the high court. It seemed a foregone concluIII. of Holland, who died in 1890. Between sion that the senators, most of whom were 1890 and 1898, until Wilhelmina became of Johnson's political enemies, would give their age, her mother, Emma, queen regent, gov- verdict against him. But Mr. Evarts, by his erned Holland. Wilhelmina is now queen general conduct of the defense not less than regnant; that is, she is a female sovereign by the remarkable three days' speech which ruling in her own right and having the same concluded the proceedings, won a sufficient powers that would belong to a king. Victoria number of Republican senators to destroy was a queen regnant, and Wilhelmina is now the requisite majority of two-thirds. Johnthe only queen regnant living. A prince- son was acquitted. Evarts became his consort is a prince who is married to a queen attorney-general. The verdict of history regnant. He does not share his wife's has approved the judgment of the court. If sovereignty. Prince Albert, upon marrying Mr. Evarts had failed, and Johnson had Victoria, received the title of Royal High- fallen a victim to partisan rage, one of the ness, and was naturalized as a British subject. chief safeguards of the independence of the In 1842, the title consort was formally con- executive would have been swept away. ferred upon him, and in 1857 he was formally Even the defeated party, of which Mr. made prince-consort. The new Prince-Consort Evarts himself was one of the most loyal and of Holland, though having the privileges of consistent members, came to recognize years royal Dutch princes, can have no royal afterward that Johnson's acquittal had saved powers. If Wilhelmina should die, Henry it from itself, and made more sure the founwould be a Dutch prince so long as he dations of our government. remained unmarried. If he should remarry, or if Queen Wilhelmina should divorce him, his place in the Dutch royalty would be lost. Should the queen die, her husband would receive $62,500 a year, so long as he remained unmarried. The prince-consort receives from the queen the income from about $20,000,000. He receives nothing from the government.

In 1872 the American claims against Great Britain for damages inflicted by the Alabama and other Confederate cruisers were submitted to the arbitration of an international commission at Geneva. Mr. Evarts was chosen to make the oral argument for the American side. His views prevailed, and the Geneva Commission awarded the sum of $15,500,000 to the United States. This was the first time that a question of commanding William Maxwell Evarts, who died in New importance, on which two powerful nations


York City on the last day of February, had been attorney-general in the cabinet of one president, secretary of state in a second administration, and afterward a senator in congress from the Empire State. Yet his real eminence was not achieved as a politician, and he does not properly belong in the first rank of American statesmen. He was a great lawyer, and for the generation which followed the death of Daniel Webster his position at the head of the American bar was almost unquestioned. Three times in that period he was engaged as leading counsel in cases of such supreme national or international importance as to connect his name forever with the history of the republic. In

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had taken issue, was submitted to judicial and apprehension. President Jordan, a
decision instead of to "the arbitrament of liberal-minded educator, cannot be supposed
the sword." The five judges were as distin- to sympathize with attacks on proper aca-
guished as any jurists in the world. The demic freedom, and he has repeatedly denied
opposing counsel was the leader of the Brit- that the dismissal of Dr. Ross was such an
ish bar; but the learning, force, and acumen attack. A committee of the San Francisco
of the American carried conviction of the alumni of the univer-
justice of his cause. That speech, lasting sity, after an investi-
two days, marked the Yankee barrister as gation, declared that
one of the great court lawyers of the age. the dismissal could
The presidential election of 1876 was so not be construed into
close, and the result of the voting was so an infringement of
doubtful in many states, especially in the freedom of speech
south, that the country was brought to the and teaching. But
verge of civil war over the settlement. more weight is
Eventually congress appointed an electoral attached to the
commission of fifteen to hear and determine report of a commit-
the cases in dispute. Mr. Evarts figured as tee of three distin-
the leading counsel for the Republican candi- guished eastern
dates, and his efforts were rewarded by the professors of politi-
series of "eight to seven" decisions which cal economy, Edwin
resulted on March 2 in the declaration of the R. A. Seligman of
election of Hayes and Wheeler by an electoral Columbia, Henry W.
vote of 185 to 184. Mr. Evarts entered the Farnam of Yale, and
cabinet of President Hayes as secretary of Henry B. Gardner of
state, and afterward closed his public career Brown. This commit-
with a term in the senate. At the time of tee was appointed
his death he had lived for several years in at the annual meeting of the American
retirement, his health and especially his Economic Association (though the action
eyesight having been impaired. He came of was not formal), and after considerable
New England ancestry and education, having correspondence with President Jordan,
been born in Boston in 1817, and educated Dr. Ross, and others, it submitted a lengthy
at Yale, where Governor Samuel J. Tilden, report completely exonerating Dr. Ross from
Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite, and Attor- all vague charges of indiscretion and impro-
ney-General Edwards Pierrepont were among priety, and accusing President Jordan of
his associates in the "famous class of 1837." inconsistent explanations and suppression of
facts, and winding up with the following
significant conclusions:


"Academic freedom" continues to be a "burning issue" in the colleges and the press. The trouble at Stanford University did not end with the dismissal of Dr. Ross, Mrs. Stanford subsequently demanded the resignation of Prof. George E. Howard, head of the history department, who had criticized the action against his colleague as an attempt to suppress free speech and free teaching, and had used the following expression: "I do not worship St. Market Street; I do not reverence holy Standard Oil; nor do I doff my hat to the Celestial Six Companies." This was resented as undignified, personal, and flippant, and some members of the faculty, as well as many of the students, approved the virtual dismissal of Professor Howard. But two or three professors promptly resigned as "a protest against the throttling of free speech," while students held meetings to express their indignation



Prince-Consort to Queen

Wilhelmina of Holland.

There is evidence to show: (a) That Mrs. Stanford's
objections to Professor Ross were due, in part at all
events, to his former attitude on the silver question,
and to his utterances on coolie immigration and on
municipal ownership; and (b) That while the dissatis-
faction of Mrs. Stanford, due to his former attitude
on the silver question, antedated his utterances on
coolie immigration and municipal ownership, her dis-
satisfaction was greatly increased by these utterances.

The committee submitted the evidence to
fourteen other leading professors and one
editor, Mr. Horace White, and they all agreed
with its conclusions.
Most of the press
comments on the case have been hostile to
President Jordan and Mrs. Stanford, and the
preponderance of evidence is certainly against
them, notwithstanding sweeping denials from
partisan friends. Dr. Harper, the president
of the University of Chicago, has, in a
convocation address, defended freedom of
teaching, declaring that professors should
exercise "common sense" in their pursuit of

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truth and public discussion of debatable propositions, but that, on the other hand, it is better to overlook indiscretions than to err on the side of restriction and interference with free speech. At the recent midcontinent congress of religions several Chicago ministers vigorously dealt with this question, and the opinion was expressed that endowments were a menace to the independence and integrity of the universities. One minister exclaimed: "Better no colleges at all in a democratic nation than colleges which are sold unto private interests, bought by endowments, subsidized by wealth, and made the bond servants of a few private interests!" Another observed that of " absolute coercion " there was no danger, but that pictures of benefactors, constant eulogies of donors, and expectation of gifts "might mold the mind after a time until this suggestiveness might have the same effect as coercion." British journals of authority have written strongly on the subject, and have asserted that "plutocratic domination" is becoming quite pronounced in the United States, and that even in monarchical and military Germany the colleges have greater independence and are doing infinitely more good in spite of comparative poverty. The question is certainly a grave one, and whatever the facts may be, the discussion cannot fail to be productive of



beneficial results.

School-room decoration is a subject which is now receiving considerable attention from educators in this country, and especially in New York State where the matter was first taken up. For the last three years the University of the State of New York has circulated among high schools, academies, and libraries photographs of historical portraits, architectural monuments, and great paintings. The traveling library was started in New York State in 1892, and the traveling picture system was a natural outgrowth of it, with its hand photographs, its lantern slides, and finally, its large wall pictures. The authorities furnished a list of recognized

masterpieces, which included such pictures as were thought to be most available for schools and libraries, but as the scheme developed it was seen that greater care in selecting the list needed to be exercised to exclude all objectionable subjects. To secure this approved list a set of subjects" was submitted to about seventy-five persons, specialists in school-room decoration, artists, Roman Catholics, Jews, members of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and others of conservative opinions or with extreme views as to subjects which should not be displayed on the walls of high schools." The result is rather curious, and many severe criticisms have been expressed, but it must be kept in mind that the authorities disclaim any intention to represent the best art, their entire purpose being to make a list of one hundred "of the most satisfactory subjects for the decoration of high schools, taking into consideration not only artistic merit, reputation, historical and literary significance and educational value, but also extreme or peculiar views on religious and ethical questions." Two principles of exclusion were adopted. Pictures were rejected that were objectionable on religious grounds, as tending to irreverence for things held sacred, or as tending to dignify and enforce or to ridicule or antagonize particular doctrines; and those that were objectionable on ethical grounds, as tending to make vice or questionable habits familiar or attractive, or as disregarding prejudice against the nude in art.

The list as adopted is as follows:

Mosques-Cordova, belfry; Jerusalem, Mosque of Omar; Seville, Giralda tower.

Churches and cathedrals - Amiens, choir; Canterbury; Cologne; Constantinople, Santa Sophia, interior; Durham; Florence; Lincoln; London, (a) Westminster

abbey, (b) Poets' corner; Milan; Mont St. Michel, cloisters; Paris, Notre Dame; Pavia, cloisters; Peterborough; Pisa; Reims; Rome, (a) St. John Lateran,

cloisters; (b) St. Paul's beyond the walls, cloisters; (c) interior; (d) St. Peter's; (e) interior; Salisbury; Venice, St. Mark's; York minster.

Tombs-Taj Mahal, Agra, India.


Sculpture-Augustus; Colleoni, by Verrocchio; King Arthur, by Peter Vischer; Moses, by Michelangelo section; St. George, by Donatello; Shaw memorial, by St. Gaudens; Victory of Samothrace.

Buonarroti; Otricoli Zeus; Parthenon frieze, north

Paintings Abbey. Edwin A., Quest of the holy Bastien-Lepage, Jules, Joan of Arc Listening to the grail; Alma-Tadema, Lawrence, A Reading from Homer; Voices; Bonheur, Rosa, Ploughing in the Nivernais; Corot, Jean Baptiste, Landscape; Dyck, Anton van, (a) Charles I., King of England; (b) Three children of Charles I.; Guido Reni, Aurora; Hobbema, Meindert, Middelharnis Avenue; Homer, Winslow, All's Well; Hunt, William M., Flight of Night; Leighton, Sir Frederick, Captive Andromache; Le Rolle, Henri,

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