Lawyers realize the value of knowing how business men feel and think about subjects which are of interest to the bar. Business men will not be slow to realize the value of knowing how lawyers feel and think about legal subjects which are of special interest to business men. Though their habits of thought may differ, lawyers and business men have the same great objects in view. They all want the community to be well governed, prosperous and happy. A better understanding cannot fail to promote the public welfare. Just now the need of such an understanding is especially apparent because our laws are being changed, interpreted and developed so as to accommodate them to rapidly changing methods of business.

No such course of lectures has ever been given in Boston or, so far as we know, in any other city. The Boston Bar Association is to be congratulated on being the first to propose and undertake so valuable a service and on having been able to enlist in it men so conspicuous for character and ability.

While the lectures may properly be called "law lectures," their whole purpose will be defeated unless the subjects are presented in a way to make them readily understood by non-professional hearers. There is no mystery in the law which makes it impossible to present a legal proposition in such a way that it can easily be comprehended by men who have had no legal training. It will be the purpose of all the lecturers to deal in this fashion with the subjects on which they are so well qualified to speak.

The list of dates, subjects and speakers follows:

Thursday evening, November 23.

Hon. Samuel J. Elder, LL.D., Ex-President Boston Bar Association. Introduced by EDWARD W. HUTCHINS, Esq., President of the Boston Bar Association. Subject: "Copyright and Playright."

Tuesday evening, December 12.

Hon. Moorfield Storey, LL.D. Introduced by Rev. GEORGE A. GORDON, D.D. Subject: "Lawlessness."

Thursday evening, December 28.

Gilbert H. Montague, Esq., of the New York Bar. Introduced by EVERETT W. BURDETT, Esq. Subject: "The Federal Trade Commission and the Clayton Act."

Wednesday evening, January 17.

Roscoe Pound, LL.D., Dean of Harvard Law School. Introduced by HOMER ALBERS, Esq., Dean of Boston University Law School. Subject: "The Limits of Effective Legal Action."

Wednesday evening, January 31.

Hon. George W. Wickersham, LL.D., former Attorney-General of the United States. Introduced by Hon. SAMUEL J. ELDER. Subject: "The Sherman Anti-Trust Law."

Thursday evening, February 8.

Henry W. Dunn, LL.D., former Dean of Law School, University of Iowa. Introduced by Hon. SAMUEL L. POWERS. Subject: "The Constitution and the Courts."

Wednesday evening, February 28.

Frederick P. Fish, Esq. Introduced by ODIN ROBERTS, Esq. Subject: "Invention and the Patent System of the United States." Thursday evening, March 15.

William G. Thompson, Esq.

Introduced by Henry F. Hurlburt,

Esq. Subject: "Administration of Law in Massachusetts."

Wednesday evening, March 28.

Hon. Nathan Matthews, LL.D., former Mayor of Boston. Introduced by B. N. JOHNSON, Esq. Subject: "Public Service Company Valuations and Rates."

REVIEW OF RECENT EVENTS

OPENING OF THE SEASON
October 5

The opening of the season was ushered in by a concert given by the Boston Philharmonic Orchestra. The concert was conducted by Charles H. Leave; and Albert Edmund Brown, baritone, and Louis Besserer, violin, ably assisted in the program. It proved to be one more of the high-class concerts by this body of men.

The address of Dr. David Jayne Hill on "The Turning of the Tide will be published in the December issue.

"

HONORS FOR SECRETARY BAKER
October 9

The first formal luncheon of the season was given to Hon. Newton D. Baker, Secretary of the Department of War, who was in town on errands of business and politics. Mr. George B. Glidden presided and introduced, as toastmaster, Hon. Calvin Coolidge, Lieutenant-Governor of the state. In introducing Secretary Baker, the toastmaster emphasized the pleasure that the Club took in welcoming distinguished guests, and hinted that it was a long and honorable list.

Secretary Baker in reply said:

"We have in the city of Cleveland a City Club which is modeled after and in imitation of this great institution of yours, and I am very happy as a citizen of Cleveland to come and see the splendid estate in

which you live and move and have your being, so that I can look forward to the future development of our institution along such imposing and successful lines.

"I am delighted to know that there is a place where a man who comes on a political mission may have a good time besides.

I have realized for a long time that there were some laws that ought to be passed in this nation of ours, and one of them, I think — or at least I thought so this morning as I sat in the Common is one requiring every citizen of the United States to visit Boston. I had an illuminating and diverting experience in the Common this morning. I sat on a bench facing the obverse side of the Shaw monument, and thinking that if such a law as I have suggested were passed it would be a wholesome thing, inasmuch as it would bring the people to this home of Pilgrim traditions, when I noticed that there was a man alongside of me who was badly in need of a match to light a pipe; and, as I was smoking a pipe, he evidently thought that I could accommodate him, and asked me whether I could give him a match, and my compliance with his request stimulated and inspired a fellow-feeling of fraternity between us, and he asked me whether I thought the Red Sox would win the pennant. It was spoken in very broken English indeed, but I am quite sure that is what he asked me. And I told him a thing which I trust no one will take any serious note of that I knew nothing about baseball. And he said, 'Oh, I see; you are a foreigner.' [Laughter.] So that it seemed to me extremely interesting that I should be sitting at the feet of the foundations of this government, in the presence of its most sacred traditions, and be addressed by a man who spoke the language of our country with some misgivings, and called a foreigner because I was not up on the national game.

"I confess, however, that I was pleased as I sat there to think the thoughts that are spontaneously engendered by the many monuments of a traditional character about Boston, commemorating the days when our fathers made pilgrim and pioneer efforts to establish certain very definite things on this continent. And I cherish the hope that they were not the only pioneers, but that some of us have some pioneer spirit, and that while the quest of their pilgrimage to this continent for religious and political liberty seems to have been achieved securely by their efforts, that the quest for a satisfactory adjustment of our social and industrial affairs is a thing not less worthy of our entire activity and devotion.

"National Preparedness

66

'My talk to you will be about some of the larger problems of life, especially as those problems have a national bearing upon the subject of preparedness, to which I shall address myself very briefly in just a moment. The characteristic of the world in which we live nowadays is that machinery has entirely changed all of the old human relations. We, I think, probably do not often enough realize the extent to which machinery has made us dependent one upon another; but it may be assumed that wherever a machine has been invented or devised which is able to do the work previously done by two men separately and in

separate places, that machine creates relationships of dependence which must be worked out and ordered, or it will necessarily be fruitful of conflict or misunderstanding.

"This age in which we live has gone headlong into the invention of machinery. The ingenuity of man has captured and conquered a lot of hitherto unknown forces and principles of science and mechanics, thus reducing nature to the status of a more serviceable agent of mankind. But in the meantime a very great deal of what was once the independent self-sufficiency of the individual has been absorbed in these relationships that have been created by machinery. A man who makes one one-hundredth part of a shoe is just one one-hundredth of a shoemaker, and the other ninety-nine one-hundredths are of such indispensable necessity to him that his whole function as an industrial worker is gone unless the other ninety-nine men perform their part in due season. "The Lesson of the War

"I think there is probably no place where the progress of science and the development of the mechanical arts have so conspicuously and in such spectacular form affected human society as in war. The war in Europe, for instance, is teaching us a great many things, and probably no lesson that we are learning from it, if our eyes are attentive to it, is more disturbing than the effect that mechanics has on war. Before the war began we knew that the world was in a state of flux and that the waters were troubled, and that we were not sure where the healing influence was going to appear. For instance, if I may take individual nations as illustrative of the point, in England I think all serious-minded men prior to the breaking out of this war were a little troubled about the Ulster revolt. They were probably a little annoyed at the more or less violent form that votes for women the agitation of the suffrage question had taken. But the really deep-feeling, deep-thinking and far-seeing people of England were all engrossed in the thought that a social revolution was at the door of England, and that the best energies and the finest qualities of mind and heart of that nation were to be addressed forthwith to the reorganization of the human interests, political and social, by reason of the changed character of civilization in which we live nowadays.

"Quite certainly those Englishmen whom I happened to meet, and who seemed to me to be of the thoughtful class the men of Oxford and Cambridge - who were trying to think ahead for their country a few years, felt that that was the grave problem. The same situation certainly prevailed in Germany. The growth and development of the Socialist movement in Germany the insistent demand for a larger and juster representation of the socialists in the German Reichstag may have been fundamentally based upon, but it was not fundamentally stimulated by or at all restricted to those who believed in the substitution of the Marxian system for the political forms of government of Germany in its relation to outside places.

"But that socialistic reform in Germany was undoubtedly a pressing up from the under stratum of mankind in that country of an insistent demand that there should be a re-ordering of the social and political

relations of men in the world, because of the new dependencies created largely by the advent of machinery and the change from the rural and agrarian civilization which long was the relation in Germany to that of an industrial relation of the most exacting kind. Russia of course is a very much more obscure problem to us; and yet those of us who have read the Russian novels know that the thing you find there is the demand of the people of those great spreading square miles, and hundreds of thousands of square miles of land once thoroughly agrarian, for a reorganization of the social and political organization of the people, by reason of the change of this agrarian civilization into a social and industrial civilization.

"A New Era at Hand

"In our own country, we are all aware of the fact that the urgent and insistent problems that come to us are those that we call, roughly, the problems of labor and capital, and that we make concrete in the various agitations that we have for shorter hours of labor, an eight-hour day, minimum wages, better child labor laws, and the restriction upon the hours of labor for women. The facts that these changes were made and that movements were on foot for the accomplishment of these objects were all indicative of the fact that we were actually on the verge of the same kind of questions. Our method of addressing ourselves to the problem was different, because here in this democracy we have only to put a problem and its solution into the conscience of the people, and then we enact it into the Constitution. But the same problem was

pressing upon us.

We had gotten into a peculiar state of mind in America. I think it is fair to say we had gotten into a peculiar state of mind in the world at large. We had outlived one kind of social organization, and had not lived into a new one. The problem of industrialism seemed to be solved. The heroics of the age had been performed. The world's crop of great men had been produced. Its giants had lived their day, and had retired. And the characteristic of the public mind of the world prior to the war in Europe was that dalliance with immaterial things, and a certain sense of the unimportance of large things, that is very difficult to describe and yet not difficult to illustrate.

"For instance, if I may, take an illustration from art. It seemed that all the great pictures had been painted and all the great statues had been carved, and so any absurdity, no matter how ridiculous, that was pressed upon our attention was taken seriously, merely because it obtruded itself. Men drew on paper a lot of zigzag lines that had no rhyme or reason, and presented them to us, putting under the drawing that it was a representation of a man falling downstairs; and we said, when we looked at it, 'That is different from anything I have seen before, but maybe that is the way I would feel if I fell downstairs.' And so we accepted cubism, and all sorts of glaring absurdities, because we had outlived the seriousness of the age of industrial creation through which we had gone, and had not lived into the age of readjustment, social and political, that was necessary to fit us for this age of industrialism.