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government and the owners of that plant, that upon a certain signal from Washington the plant shall be diverted from its normal activities to the manufacture of a particular kind of thing which it is adaptable to and necessary for it to produce under a general mobilization. Every year the government will make a contract with the manufacturers to supply one or two — or a limited number - of whatever article it is thought best to require that factory to supply in an emergency. That will familiarize that plant with the manufacture of that particular thing; it will put into their pattern chest the necessary patterns, so that they can turn their hand quickly from the thing they normally do to the thing they would be expected to do; and it assures them that the price, guaranteeing them a fair profit, will be arranged in advance. Now, Germany had done that. I was told by a man who worked in one of the very large manufactories in Germany, that one hour after the war had been declared by Germany one half of the workmen in that factory had gone to the front, having gone to join their regiments. The other half had gone to the shops and gotten the necessary patterns, and had taken off their dies and things of that sort to discontinue the making of the things which they made in peace times, and the factory and shop was actually then, within one hour after the declaration of war, working one half of its force in the manufacture of war material so perfect was the organization.
“Charting the Resources
“Now, in addition to that, another schedulization of the needs of America has been going on for about a year, and that is the preparation of a series of charts which show what America needs, or what it would need in time of stress, and where it can get those things. For instance, if the chart were on the back of this wall, and we wanted to find out where stoves could be gotten, we would find 'stoves,' and find that they are made of iron, and that their manufacture requires iron and fire brick, and then we would find whether there were any lead required in their manufacture, and if there was, we would find ‘lead' and we would find that 'stove' dissolved into its constituent elements, and each element noted as to how long it would take to make it and how long it would take to assemble the various elements. Take, for instance, powder. We find gunpowder to be one of the principal elements necessary in time of war; that it is made of nitric acid and raw cotton; and that either sulphuric or nitric acid is necessary in its preparation. We find that nitric acid at present can be made only from Chile saltpeter, and that there are no deposits in this country, and that if our sea relations with Chile should be cut off, our powder supply would be cut off, unless we could make the powder by one of the three synthetic methods: the ammonia method, by production from the coke-ovens; by the socalled cyanamid process; or by the so-called are process. And we would find each of these processes set out, and as to what the cost of manufacture would be, and as to what extent each one of them depended upon other ingredients and materials which would have to be gotten from the outside.
“That series of charts, covering twenty-five or thirty different
kinds of things, is being devised, and when the Council of National Defense is finally organized in Washington, there will be a card catalogue of the great industrial resources of the nation, kept up to date, so that if there should come a call upon the nation for the exertion of its maximum vitality and force, those in Washington who would be charged with the necessity of getting the things necessary done, would be able to find in a second just what was necessary in order to summon the forces of the nation into activity.
“Now, my particular object in telling you that is not merely for the information it contains, although I think that is valuable to know as citizens; but because I want to tell you business men that its success depends on you. We all have just as good government as we deserve. We have just as efficient government as we deserve; and we usually have just as efficient a government as we are individually efficient, and no more. The kind of thing I have been describing to you — this preparation in Washington for the mobilization of the industrial and commercial forces of the nation — will succeed if the industrial and commercial forces of the nation are willing to coöperate and be mobilized. But unless that hospitable reception is given to this effort by the business men, and if this information is kept from the government, the thing will be nothing more than an academic and literary endeavor. So that I trust that all of you who shall come into contact with Mr. Coffin, either directly or through the Council of National Defense, will realize directly that the spirit of our times is such that if we are going to be prepared for war, we must make that preparation in time of peace, and that the citizen's duty is to coöperate with the government, even though there be no danger, and even though we entertain the hope and belief that no possible disturbance of our relations may occur.
" And that leads me to the last thought that I desire to express to you, and that is that the mobilization of the forces of the nation is threefold rather than twofold. It is not merely finding the men who are willing to do the fighting, and the material necessary to sustain them while the fight is going on; but it is also the spirit of the people which will sustain the nation in the struggle. Now it ought not to be, and no doubt is not, important or necessary to lay much stress on the subject of the spiritual mobilization here in America. Assuredly if in England, where at least some of the liberties that we enjoy are not enjoyed, and in Germany, where at least some of the liberties that we enjoy are not enjoyed, and in France and in Russia, if the whole soul of their people can arise with such instant response and with such wonderful devotion to the preservation of the national ideals that they enjoy, in the United States a similar or even a greater response ought to be easy to secure.
“And yet the thing that will make us love America is making America lovable, just as the thing that makes people respected is to have them respectable to start with. Now, here in this country we want to have a nation that is able to defend itself, and which upon the call of emergency will arise to a defense of the institutions which, beginning with the Pilgrim Fathers, has come down to us in one way and another as American ideals. If we want to so coördinate our lives, our morals, and our beliefs as to assure this measure of protection, then the industrial influence that I started out to speak about this readjustment of our social and political organization to the new form of association under which men work in industry and commerce in these modern times is an essential problem for us to address ourselves to.
“ America is far better prepared to-day in every physical sense for a major war, should one come, than it has ever been in its history. And, in order to make that as unpartisan as possible, I do not want to take any particular credit to anybody for it. There was no call until this war in Europe arose for any thoroughgoing consideration of these problems. Presidents who preceded the present President of the United States were not under the necessity of making this kind of a preparation. The world had not yet got the idea. It had not learned it. The Battle of the Marne had not been fought. This great struggle was believed impossible. I suppose nearly everybody believed it impossible. I believed it, myself, quite certainly; but now that it has come and the lesson has been taught, it would be a matter of congratulation and happiness to us to know that America has learned some of the lessons which that great struggle is teaching, and that we are in a better state of national advancement and preparation than we have ever been in our history."
HOW THE U. S. CONDUCTS ITS FOREIGN AFFAIRS Address of Hon. William Phillips, Third Asst. Secretary of State
October 19 It is a great privilege to be invited to address the Boston City Club, and I am glad of the opportunity which you have given me to say a few words about the means which this Government has at its disposal for keeping in touch with foreign governments and protecting the rights of American citizens abroad. If the subject seems to you technical and dry, I trust that you will remember that it was selected by your committee on invitations; and that you will allow me, therefore, to plead “not guilty.” A few years ago there was little or no interest in such matters; but with the commercial growth of the country, and especially since the outbreak of the great war, popular attention has been directed to foreign affairs, and people are seeking to know how this Government conducts its foreign work. It is right that you should know what is done with the large sums annually appropriated by Congress for the maintenance of the Department of State and the diplomatic and consular services.
In the brief time at my disposal I cannot attempt to go into the subject in detail, and shall merely endeavor to give you a picture of the machinery with which Uncle Sam conducts this work, by describing — (1) the organization of the State Department in Washington; (2) the diplomatic and consular services, which together comprise our foreign service; (3) the character of diplomatic and consular work; and (4) some of the added responsibilities thrown upon the whole foreign service since the war began.
At the head of the State Department and the foreign service, which together comprise a personnel of about 2,200 persons, is the Secretary of State, who is the ranking member of the President's Cabinet. His functions are by law made twofold; for he has charge not only of the conduct of foreign affairs, but is also the medium between the federal and the state governments. To-night, however, we are only considering him in his relation to foreign affairs, which is, after all, his principal function.
A Diplomat's Working Day
To introduce Mr. Lansing to you properly I shall quote from a page of his private journal, which he has kindly permitted me to copy. It is merely a sample of one of his days in the Department, but illustrates perhaps better than anything else the astonishing number of matters which he must have at his fingers' ends. The day was May 4, this year.
Arrived at Department 9.10.
Interviewed by newspaper correspondents.
You will note that, in spite of the similarity of title, there is very little in common between the duties of the Secretary of State of a state government and those of the Secretary of State of the United States. The Secretary of State of the United States is the mouthpiece of our Government. In speaking to foreign nations he is the representative of one hundred million Americans, and his words therefore carry with them the power and prestige of the whole United States. The world takes notice of what the United States does or does not wish to do, according to the words let drop by the Secretary of State. The members of the foreign service stationed abroad are his agents, and are charged with the responsibility of conveying his views to foreign governments and peoples. His power for good is unlimited, and his responsibilities are exceeded only by those of the President.
Many of you have seen the imposing building in Washington called the State, War, and Navy Building. Here the principal offices of the State, War, and Navy Departments are located — only the principal offices, however, for all three departments have spread far beyond the walls of that building and are occupying rented quarters in various parts of the city. The Department Staff
Let us look inside the State Department for a moment. Besides the Secretary there are seven executive officers: The Counselor; the First, Second, and Third Assistant Secretaries of State; the Director of the Consular Service; the Chief Clerk, and the Solicitor for the Department of State.
The Counselor, Mr. Frank L. Polk, is really the Vice Secretary, or Under Secretary of State, as he is styled in certain foreign countries; and in the absence of the Secretary from Washington it is he who becomes Acting Secretary of State. He is in fact the administrative head of the Department, and is the Secretary's chief adviser and consultant.
The First, Second, and Third Assistant Secretaries of State each have their several duties, and are largely responsible for the work of the bureaus and divisions. For instance, I, myself, have supervision over the Western European and Near Eastern divisions, which in fact handle the correspondence of the war zone. Many of the communications between the belligerent governments pertaining to the caring for their interests and the inspection of camps where prisoners of war are interned pass over my desk; also the assignment of secretaries in the diplomatic