was now proposed to the House as a subject for their congratulation! Mr. Jones said, he had been in hopes that, in the continuance of the income tax as proposed, annuitants and others would have met with further indulgence. The removal of the horse tax, he conceived, would do little to alleviate the distresses of the farmers. It appeared to him, that the tenants' income tax was originally proposed on an exaggerated scale of their profits, at least as far as related to Wales. In that part of the country he knew farmers were rented to the amount of 2001. and 300l. a year, and who yet were under the necessity of working as hard as any of their servants, who lived in the most miserable cottages and on the hardest fare, and who, in addition to the poor-rates, had to pay the income tax, formed on an exaggerated estimate of their profits. Mr. Alderman Atkins was of opinion that the repeal of the usury laws would not produce the effect intended. He said, he was disposed to place confidence in ministers, in regard to the amount of the establishments of the country; but he wondered how the chancellor of the exchequer could propose the continuance of the income tax, when parliament stood pledged to the contrary. If the right hon. gentleman persisted in this measure, he trusted it would undergo considerable modifications. official eye, could not but perceive, that it was impossible to come all at once to a peace establishment. With our naval and military means spread over so vast a theatre, it stood to reason, a long time must elapse before this could be completely effected. It must take a considerable time to disembody the militia; a more extended period must be allowed the breaking up any part of our regular military establishments; and one still longer for the reduction of our navy. He admitted that the army was the great feature on which the House would have to debate. But here it should be considered that there was a large force of 40,000 or 50,000 men, many of whom had only just arrived, or were arriving in the country, that would cost at least 1,200,000l. for the present year, even though they were discharged the moment the hand of office could operate upon them. For the navy, in the present instance sup-1 plies would be required for 33,000 men: but this number would be diminished in the course of the year, as it was not intended to keep up a force of more than 23,000. Here would be a saving of 10,000 men, which would take off at least two millions from the seven millions which' was now set down as the estimated ex-› pense of the navy. His right hon. friend had called for 1,500,000l. for re-payments to be made to the Bank; but this of course would not be an annual charge. His statement also comprised 2,000,000l. to Lord Castlereagh was anxious to lead pay off the interest of exchequer bills, a the attention of the House to the question sum greater than what would hereafter be now before it; from the consideration of necessary for such a purpose, when that which it had been drawn by the course of mass of bills were taken up which it was the debate. He thought, from the parlia- the intention of government to discharge. mentary dexterity which had been dis- For the miscellaneous services, 2,500,000l. played by the gentlemen opposite, that the were called for, and 2,000,000. for the speech of his right hon. friend, the Chan-ordnance; but these, like the former, were cellor of the Exchequer, did not ap- not to be viewed as permanent charges. pear to be perfectly understood. At the If he were to follow the estimates throughconclusion of what was admitted to be a out, he doubted not he could point out most glorious peace, his right hon. friend many other items with respect to which a had called for supplies to meet the charge similar observation might be made. He of the first year, amounting to 29 or 30 might mention the East India military millions. But, because such a sum was debt; but he had already pointed out at now required, this was to be considered as least eight or nine million which might be the charge of the permanent peace estab- deducted from the supposed amount of the lishment. Many of the grants now neces-permanent expenditure of the country. It sarily called for had nothing at all to do with the peace; were, in truth, as much voted for war as any of the sums moved for at the close of the last session of parliament. Any gentleman acquainted with the nature of public business, and who looked at the state of the country with an (VOL. XXXII. ) had not occurred to the hon. gentleman' opposite to make these remarks, because they chose to argue on the supposition that the present charge was to be that of the regular peace establishment. It was curious to observe in what a different situation they had been pleased to put the (2 E) country this evening, from what they usually described as that which belonged to it. It was common for them to represent it to be in the most alarming state, to show the conduct of its allies suspicious, and the peace altogether lamentably insecure. But they had turned round to night and stated our situation to be so happy, and the peace so little likely to be disturbed, that a military force was not wanted for our security. He, for his own part, could not go quite so far as they did on this occasion. He was decidedly against lulling ourselves into a belief that while the other powers of Europe kept up formidable armies, this was the only country which could do without the support of a military force. When other states took an attitude so imposing, prudence demanded a corresponding exertion on our part. At the same time he wished no inordinate establishment to be kept up, and at the proper time he purposed to go through that now recommended by ministers, and compare it in every part with that of 1792, and show the reasons which had influenced the conduct of government wherever that was departed from. Certainly he could not recommend such an establishment as that of 1792; it had of ten been spoken of by Mr. Pitt himself with much regret. He had stated himself to have been at that time much deceived, as another great statesman of that day had been, when he was led to consider France as in a manner blotted from the chart of Europe, and he knew Mr. Pitt had lamented nothing more than that he should have suffered the peace establishment of 1792 to be fixed on so low a scale. The noble lord deprecated such a course on the present occasion. If the expense was considered, and the strong measures which had been resorted to in order to raise that army which had finally conquered peace, were borne in mind, he hoped the House would be most careful to guard against such a state of things as would again subject us to the necessity of making those stupendous and unnatural efforts to create a military force, to which we had once been obliged to submit. He should now take a view of the peace establishment of 1802. At that period it was thought expedient to keep up a force of 23,000 men for Ireland, and 43,000 for England. With respect to Ireland, however ripe she might be for that great measure which he wished adopted for her relief, he could not expect that it would effect a change so rapidly in her feelings and situation as to make the pretence of the force now proposed to be kept up in that country unnecessary. If this were admitted, and no objections were made to the number of troops for Ireland, it would be seen that the army to be maintained in England was less than that which parliament had agreed to support in the year 1802; and indeed lower than he should think it ought to be, if he did not consider the force now in France completely at the command of this government. That army would at least serve as our vanguard, if hostilities should be commenced abroad; it served to guard the peace from violation, and performing that service, almost at their own doors, could if necessary be brought home in the course of a few hours. He would ask those who highly praised the peace establishment of 1792, if they would be disposed to break up our present military institutions? If they did not wish to preserve our military schools; our dock-yards; our fortifications; our ordnance establishments: If they did not wish to keep the colonies we had acquired in war, why then, it should seem, they desired that we should depart from the high situation we now held in Europe. He wished the House to look at this question with a calm and cool understanding. He held the subject to be most important, and was anxious that it should receive due consideration. If they were to give up the colonies which the country had acquired in war, and the other objects which he had enumerated, then the army might be reduced to that scale which the gentlemen opposite were inclined to recommend: but if the value of these things were felt, it would be for ministers to look at them as statesmen, and to act accordingly, with a determination to uphold the greatness of the empire. The internal service of the country would alone require between 13 and 14,000 infantry to serve in the garrisons, dockyards, and other places where the presence of a military force was necessary. Great part of the revenue even depended upon their being employed, and if by mistaken economy, their services were dispensed with, the legislature would be obliged to impose more taxes, and heavier burthens: than would be necessary, if those in being were properly enforced by a powerful administration. Though the total force to be kept up for the present might be fixed at 98 or 99,000, there would not be this effective force maintained, nor any thing ancient and acknowledged authorities. If the noble lord succeeded in persuading the House so far to imitate foreign nations, he would soon, without much difficulty, be able to perfect the resemblance by extinguishing the few remaining sparks of constitutional liberty in the country. near it. One tenth at least must always | Europe; that a large standing army be deducted from it for non-effectives; should be maintained, to supersede the and therefore a smaller force would not be equal to all the duties to be performed. When this branch of the question came to be more particularly gone into, he would submit to the House what he thought would prove satisfactory reasons for the proposed arrangements. In the estimate he thought there was nothing too high; but if any thing could be lowered in them, nobody would be more relieved than ministers, at finding this practicable. When the increased expense of the army was mentioned, it should be remembered, it did not so much arise from the increased number of men, as from the augmented pay and pensions which the soldiers and officers now received. An army was not the same expense now as it was in 1792, or even in 1802, the pay having been doubled since the former period, and the price of every thing connected with a military force greatly advanced since the lat The several resolutions were then put from the chair and agreed to. Sir G. Warrender rose for the purpose of moving the resolutions respecting the navy, but the cries of adjournment were general, and it was formally moved by lord Ossulston. After some conversation between Mr. Ponsonby, sir G. Warrender, and lord Castlereagh, the latter consented to the postponement of the resolutions until Wednesday, HOUSE OF LORDS. Tuesday, February 13. PEACE ESTABLISHMENT.] Lord Grenville said he had come down to the House to give a notice for to-morrow, of his intention to move for the Estimates of the Military Establishment for the present year. It was not usual, on giving a notice, to enter into any details upon the subject of the motion, nor should he, at all events, do so now, in consequence of the absence of the noble earl at the head of his ma Gentlemen opposite had deprecated the continuance of any of the war taxes. These amounted to twenty-four millions. How was it possible to take them off at the present moment? He was anxious that the House should be convinced that government had no other interest in view than that of the country. They must feel that to drag on unnecessary and unwieldy establishments, year after year, could not ultimately answer their purpose. If mi-jesty's councils. He could not, however, nisters wished to keep their places, as it was generally supposed they did, they would rather be disposed to err on the side of economy, than to fall into the opposite error. They were, however, resolutely fixed not to mislead the public, by delusive plans of retrenchment, but persevering in those principles which they had hitherto professed, it would be the object of their ambition to establish the prosperity of the country, on its greatness, on its strength. Mr. Ponsonby reprobated the arguments of the noble lord, that because the other nations of Europe kept up large military establishments, it was necessary that England should do the same. The noble lord who had of late resided so much on the continent, and had imbibed so many continental customs, seemed almost to have forgotten that England was an island. The noble lord in his predilection for continental systems of government, seemed to wish that Great Britain should follow the example of the great military powers of help adverting to the rumours which had gone forth upon the subject of the peace establishment-rumours which must make a deep impression upon every member of this distressed community-rumours which even he could scarcely yet believe-that in this year of peace there was to be a peace army of 150,000 men, and that the sum for the maintenance of the peace establishment was to be little short of thirty million, whilst our former peace establishment was only 40,000 men, with an expenditure of between five and six million. He should say no more now upon this subject, but merely move that their lordships be summoned for to-morrow.-Ordered. The Marquis of Lansdowne said, he had intended, if the noble earl at the head of the treasury had been present, to ask some questions respecting certain rumours which had gone forth, involving questions of high constitutional importance, and it would depend upon the answers he should receive in what way he should shape a motion. He alluded to the rumours of what had passed in another place, accord. ing to which, the sums to be paid by France under the treaty concluded with that power, were not the property of the country but of the sovereign, and that by the special grace and favour of the Crown they had been re-granted for the public service. It became of the greatest importance, in a constitutional point of view to ascertain whether the treaty had been so concluded, that these sums given in lieu of territorial cessions, were actually the property of the Crown, and not of the country; and that the people were to be indebted to the grace and favour of the Crown for a re-grant of them for the public service. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, February 13. PAPERS RELATING TO THE CONVENTION FOR THE EVACUATION OF PARIS.] Mr. Lushington presented to the House, pursuant to their Address to the Prince Regent, the following Papers relating TO THE CONVENTION FOR THE EVACUATION OF PARIS. Extract of a DISPATCH from Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington to the Earl Bathurst, dated Gonasse, July 4, 1815, The enemy sent to desire that the firing might cease on both sides of the Seine with a view to the negociation, at the palace of St. Cloud, of a military convention between the armies under which the French army should evacuate Paris. Officers accordingly met on both sides at St. Cloud; and I enclose the copy of a military convention which was agreed to Jast night, and which has been ratified by marshal prince Blücher and me, and by the prince of Echmühl on the part of the French army. This convention decides all the military questions at this moment existing here, and touches nothing political. General Lord Hill has marched to take possession of the posts evacuated by agreement this day, and I propose tomorrow to take possession of Montmartre. (In the Duke of Wellington's, of the 4th July 1815.) TRANSLATION. say, the Baron Bignon, holding the Portefeuille of Foreign Affairs; the Count Guillemont, Chief of the General Staff of the French Army; the Count de Bondy Prefect of the Department of the Seine, being furnished with the full powers of his Excellency the Marshal Prince of Echmühl, Commander in Chief of the French Army, on one side; and Major General Baron Muffling furnished with the full powers of his Highness the Field Marshal Prince Blücher, Commander in Chief of the Prussian Army;-Colonel Hervey furnished with the full powers of his Excellency the Duke of Wellington, Commander in Chief of the English Army, on the other side, - have agreed to the following Articles: This day the 3d of July 1815, the Commissioners named by the Commanders in Chief of the respective Armies, that is to Art. I. There shall be a suspension of arms between the allied armies commanded by his highness the Prince Blücher, and his excellency the duke of Wellington, and the French army under the walls of Paris. Art. II. The French army shall put itself in march to-morrow, to take up its position behind the Loire: Paris shall be the movement behind the Loire shall be completely evacuated in three days; and effected within eight days. Art. III. The French army shall take with it all its material field artillery, military chest, horses, and property of regiments without exception, All persons belonging to the Dépôts shall also be removed, as well as those belonging to the different branches of administration which belong to the army. 7 Art. IV. The sick and wounded, and the medical officers it may be necessary to leave with them, are placed under the special protection of the commanders in chief of the English and Prussian armies. Art. V. The military and those holding employments, to whom the foregoing Article relates, shall be at liberty, immediately after their recovery to rejoin the corps to which they belong. Art. VI. The wives and children of all individuals belonging to the French army shall be at liberty to remain at Paris. The wives shall be allowed to quit Paris for the purpose of rejoining the army, and to carry with them their property and that of their husbands. Art. VII. The officers of the line employed with the Federés, or with the Tirailleurs of the national guard, may either join the army or return to their homes or the places of their birth, 1 Art. VIII. To-morrow the 4th of July at mid-day, St. Denis, St. Ouen Clichy, and Neuilly, shall be given up. The day after to-morrow, the 5th, at the same hour Montmartre shall be given up. The third day, the 6th, all the Barriers shall be given up. Art .IX. The duty of the city of Paris shall continue to be done by the national guard, and by the corps of the Municipal Gendarmerie. Art. X. The commanders in chief of the English and Prussian armies engage to respect, and to make those under their command respect the actual authorities, as long as they shall exist. Art. XI. Public property, with the exception of that which relates to war, whether it belongs to the government, or depends upon the municipal authority, shall be respected; and the allied powers will not interfere in any manner with its administration and management. Art. XII. Private persons and property shall be equally respected. The inhabitants and in general all individuals who shall be in the capital, shall continue to enjoy their rights and liberties without being disturbed or called to account, either as to the situations which they hold or may have held, or as to their conduct or political opinions. Done and signed at St. Cloud, in triplicate, by the Commissioners above-named the day and the year before mentioned. (Signed) The Baron Bignon. Count Guillemont. Count de Bondy. The Baron de Muffling. F. B. Hervey, Colonel. Approved and ratified the present suspension of arms, at Paris, the 3d, of July 1815. (Signed) Marshal The Prince D'Echmühl ̧ DISPATCH from Earl Bathurst to the Duke of Wellington; Downing-street, 7 July 1815. War Department, London, 7th July 1815. My Lord;-Although your Grace has stated distinctly that the Convention entered into by you and Marshal Prince Blücher on the one hand, and certain French authorities on the other, upon the 3d instant, while it decided all the military questions had touched nothing political; and, although it cannot be imagined that in a Convention negociated with these authorities, by Prince Blücher and your Grace, you would enter into any engagement whereby it should be presumed that his Most Christian Majesty was absolutely precluded from the just exercise of his authority in bringing to condign punishment such of his subjects as had, by their treasonable machinations and unprovoked rebellion, forfeited all claims to his Majesty's clemency and forbearance; yet, in order that no doubt should be entertained as to the sense with which this Article is considered by the Prince Regent, in conveying his entire approbation of the Convention, I am comArt. XV. If difficulties arise in the exe-manded to state, that his Royal Highness cution of any one of the Articles of the present Convention, the interpretation of it shall be made in favour of the French army and of the city of Paris. Art. XIII. The foreign troops shall not interpose any obstacles to the provisioning of the capital, and will protect on the contrary, the arrival and the free circulation of the articles which are destined for it. Art. XIV The present convention shall be observed, and shall serve to regulate the mutual relations until the conclusion of peace. In case of rupture, it must be denounced in the usual forms, at least ten days before-hand. Art. XVI. The present Convention is declared common to all the allied armies, provided it be ratified by the powers on which these armies are dependant. Art. XVII. The Ratifications shall be exchanged to-morrow the 4th, of July, at six o'clock in the morning at the Bridge of Neuilly. Art. XVIII. Commissioners shall be named by the respective parties, in order to watch over the execution of the present Convention. com deems the 12th Article of it to be binding only on the conduct of the British and Prussian commanders, and the manders of such of the Allies as may become parties to the present Convention by their ratification of it. I have, &c. BATHURST. (Signed) DISPATCH from the Duke of Wellington to Earl Bathurst; dated Paris, 13th July 1815. My Lord;-I have had the honour of receiving your lordship's letter, marked separate, of the 7th instant, regarding the Convention of the Sd. The convention binds nobody except the parties to |