made a last attempt to find a place of refuge in the pro- | phetic circle of Samuel at Ramah, where he was admitted into the prophetic coenobium, and was for a time protected by the powerful, and almost contagious influences, which the religious exercises of the prophets exerted on Saul's emissaries, and even on the king himself. The episode now stands in another connection (chap. xix. 18, seq.), where it is certainly out of place. It would, however, fit excellently into the break that plainly exists in the history at xxi. 10 after the affair at Nob. Deprived of the protection of religion as well as of justice, David tried his fortune among the Philistines at Gath. But he was recognized and suspected as a redoubtable foe. Escaping by feigning madness, which in the East has inviolable privileges, he returned to the wilds of Judah, and was joined at Adullam' by his father's house and by a small band of outlaws, of which he became the head. Placing his parents under the charge of the king of Moab, he took up the life of a guerrilla captain, cultivating friendly relations with the townships of Judah (1 Sam. xxx. 26), which were glad to have on their frontiers a protector so valiant as David, even at the expense of the blackmail which he levied in return. A clear conception of his life at this time, and of the respect which he inspired by the discipline in which he held his men, and of the generosity which tempered his fiery nature, is given in 1 Sam. xxv. His force gradually swelled, and he was joined by the prophet Gad and by the priest Abiathar, the only survivor of a terrible massacre by which Saul took revenge for the favors which David had received at the sanctuary of Nob. He was even able to strike at the Philistines, and to rescue Keilah, in the low country of Judah, from their attack. Had he been willing to raise the standard of revolt against Saul, he might probably have made good his position, for he was now openly pointed to as divinely designed for the kingship. But though Saul was hot in pursuit, and though he lived in constant fear of being betrayed, David refused to do this. His blameless conduct retained the confidence of Jonathan (1 Sam. xxiii. 16), and he deserved that confidence by sparing the life of Saul. But at length it became plain that he must either resist by force or seek foreign protection. He went to Achish of Gath, and was established in the outlying town of Ziklag, where his troops might be useful in chastising the Amalekites and other robber tribes who made forays on Philistia and Judah without distinction."

p. 222.

At Ziklag David continued to maintain amicable relations with his friends in Judah, and his little army received accessions even from Saul's own tribe of Benjamin (1 Chron. xii. 1). At length, in the second year, he was called to join his master in a great campaign against Saul. The Philistines directed their forces towards the rich valley of Jezreel; and Saul, forsaken by Jehovah, already gave himself up for lost. It may be doubted whether the men of Judah took part in this war; and on his march David was joined by influential deserters from Israel (1 Chron. xii.). The prestige of Saul's reign 1 An interesting parallel in Barhebræi Chron., ed. Bruns et Kirsch, The cave of Adullam is traditionally placed at Charatun, two hours' journey south of Bethlehem. But the town of Adullam, which has not been identified with any certainty, lay in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 35). The "cave" is also spoken of as a "hold" or mountain fortress, and perhaps "hold" is everywhere the true reading (Wellhausen, Nöldeke). Compare Theodotion in 1 Sam. xxiii, 1 Sam. xxiii. 12, 19, Psalm vii., 1 Chron. xii. 17. 1 Sam. xxvi. 1 We have seen that this act of generosity either was repeated or is twice recorded, 1 Sam. xxiv. and xxvi. Neither narrative suggests the existence of the other, and the two are not more divergent than the two forms of the story of Goliath. But it is hard to comprehend how Ewald can give the preference to ch. xxiv. The tour-de-force by which he changes Saul's cruse of water into a basin, and adduces legendary parallels, ignores obvious features of truthfulness in ch. XXVL Compare Thomson's Land and Book, p. 367. The conversation in ch. xxvi. is full of antique and characteristic ideas wanting in ch. xxiv. That David is recognized by his voice is meaningless in xxiv. 16 (comp. ver. 8), but appropriate in xxvi. 17.

15, xxiv. 1.

seems to refer to the same event as ch. xxiii. 19.

It

1 Sam. xxiv. 7-12 must be compared with ch. xxx. 14, 16. The Cherethites whom the Amalekites attacked were Philistines. must not therefore be supposed, as ch. xxvii. might seem to imply, that David systematically attacked populations friendly to Achish, and then pretended that he had been making forays against Judah. Buch a policy could not have been long kept secret, and as it is pretty plain that the Philistines acquiesced in David's sovereignty in Hebron, it is not easy to see that they ever had an interest in embroiling him with the men of Judah. They coveted the richer lands of northern Canaan (1 Sam. xxxi. 7), and it would be their wise policy to detach Judah from Israel. The details of the text and meaning

of 1 Sam. xxvi. 7-12 are very obscure.

was gone; and the Hebrews were again breaking up into parties, each ready to act for itself. Under such circumstances David might well feel that loyalty to his new master was his first duty. But he was providentially saved from the necessity of doing battle with his countrymen by the jealousy of the Philistine lords, who demanded that he be sent back back to Ziklag. He returned to find the town pillaged by the Amalekites; but pursuing the foes he inflicted upon them a signal chastisement and took a great booty, part of which he spent in politic gifts to the leading men of the Judean towns.

Meantime Saul had fallen, and northern Israel was in a state of chaos. The Philistines took possession of the fertile lowlands of Jezreel and the Jordan; and the shattered forces of Israel were slowly rallied by Abner in the remote city of Mahanaim in Gilead, under the nominal sovereignty of Saul's son Ishbaal. The tribe of Judah, always loosely attached to the northern Hebrews, was in these circumstances compelled to act for itself. David saw his opportunity and advanced to Hebron, where he was anointed king of Judah at the age of thirty, and continued to reign for seven years and a half. His noble elegy on the death of Saul and Jonathan, and his message of thanks to the men of Jabesh Gilead for their chivalrous rescue of the bodies of the fallen heroes, show how deeply he sympathized with the disasters of his nation; and even in northern Israel many now looked to him as their only helper (2 Sam. iii. 17). But David was not lacking in the caution and even craftiness proper to an Oriental hero; and he appears to have been careful not to irritate the Philistines by any premature national movement. As he retained Ziklag we must suppose that he had some agreement with his former suzerain Achish. Abner gradually consolidated the authority of Ishbaal in the north, and at length his forces met those of David at Gibeon. A sham contest was changed into a fatal fray by the treachery of Ishbaal's men; and in the battle which ensued Abner was not only defeated, but, by slaying Asahel, drew upon himself a blood feud with Joab. The war continued. Ishbaal's party waxed weaker and weaker; and at length Abner quarrelled with his nominal master and offered the kingdom to David. The base murder of Abner by Joab did not long defer the inevitable issue of events. Ishbaal was assassinated by two of his own followers, and all Israel sought David as king.

The Biblical narrative is not so constructed as to enable us to describe in chronological order the thirty-three years of David's reign over all Israel. Let us look at (1) his internal policy, (2) his relations to foreign nations, (3) other events.

1. Under the judges all authority was at bottom local or tribal, and the wider influence wielded by the more famous of these rulers took the form of a temporary preeminence or hegemony of the judge's own tribe. The kingdom of Saul was not radically different in character. There was no national centre. Saul ruled as a Benjamite from his paternal city of Gibeah (cf. 1 Sam. xxii. 7). At the risk of alienating the men of Judah, who in fact appear as the chief malcontents in subsequent civil disturbances, David resolved to break through these precedents, and to form a truly national kingdom independent of tribal feeling. The success of so bold a conception was facilitated by the circumstance that, unlike previous kings, he was surrounded by a small but thoroughly disciplined standing army, having gradually shaped his troop of freebooters into under arms, and absolutely attached to his person. The an organized force of 600 "mighty men" (Gibborim), always king began the execution of his plan by a stroke which at once provided a centre for future action, and gave the necessary prestige to his new kingdom. He stormed the Jebusite fortress of Jerusalem, which its inhabitants deemed impregnable, and here, in the centre of the country, on the frontier between Judah and Benjamin, he fortified the "city of David," the stronghold of Zion, and garrisoned it with his Gibborim. His next aim was to make Jerusalem the religious as well as the political centre of the kingdom. The ark of Jehovah, the only sanctuary of national significance, had remained in obscurity since its return from the Philistines in the early youth of Samuel. David brought it up from Kirjath-Jearim with great pomp, and pitched a tent for it in Zion, amidst national rejoicings. No action of David's life displayed truer political insight than this. (See ARK) But the whole narrative (2 Sam, vi.) shows

that the insight was that of a loyal and God-fearing heart, which knew that the true principle of Israel's unity and strength lay in national adherence to Jehovah (comp. Pss. xv. and xxiv., one or both of which may refer to this occasion). It was probably at a later period, when his kingdom was firmly established, that David proposed to erect a permanent temple to Jehovah. The prophet Nathan commanded the execution of this plan to be delayed for a generation; but David received at the same time a prophetic assurance that his house and kingdom should be established for ever before Jehovah.

In civil and military affairs David was careful to combine necessary innovations with a due regard for the old habits and feelings of the people, which he thoroughly understood and turned to good account. The 600 Gibborim, and a small body-guard of foreign troops from Philistia (the Cherethites and Pelethites), formed a central military organization, not large enough to excite popular jealousy, but sufficient to provide officers and furnish an example of discipline and endurance to the old national militia, exclusively composed of foot-soldiers. In civil matters the king looked heedfully to the execution of justice (2 Sam. viii. 15), and was always accessible to the people (2 Sam. xiv. 4). But he does not appear to have made any change in the old local administration of justice, or to have appointed a central tribunal (2 Sam. xv. 2, where, however, Absalom's complaint that the king was inaccessible is merely factious). A few great officers of state were appointed at the court of Jerusalem (2 Sam. viii.), which was not without a splendor hitherto unknown in Israel. The palace was built by Tyrian artists. Royal pensioners, of whom Jonathan's son Mephibosheth was one, were gathered round a princely table. The art of music was not neglected (2 Sam. xix. 35). A more dangerous piece of magnificence was the harem, which, though always deemed an indispensable part of Eastern state, did not befit a servant of Jehovah, and gave rise to public scandal as well as to fatal disorders in the king's household. Except in this particular, David seems to have ventured on only one dangerous innovation, which was undertaken amidst universal remonstrances, and was checked by the rebukes of the prophet Gad and the visitation of a pestilence. To us the proposal to number the people seems innocent or laudable. But David's conscience accepted the prophetic rebuke, and he tacitly admitted that the people were not wrong in condemning his design as an attempt upon their liberties, and an act of presumptuous self-confidence (2 Sam. xxiv.).

2. David's wars were always successful, and, so far as we can judge from the brief record, were never provoked by himself. His first enemies were the Philistines, who rose in arms as soon as he became king of all Israel. We read of two great battles in the valley of Rephaim, westward from Jerusalem (2 Sam. v.); and a record of individual exploits and of personal dangers run by David is preserved in 2 Sam. xxi. and xxiii. At length the Philistines were entirely humbled, and the "bridle" of sovreignty was wrested from their hands (chap. viii. 1, Heb.). But the long weakness of Israel had exposed the nation to wrongs from their neighbors on every side; and the Tyrians, whose commerce was benefited by a stable government in Canaan, were the only permanent allies of David. Moab, an ancient and bitter foe, was chastised by David with a severity for which no cause is assigned, but which may pass for a gentle reprisal if the Moabites of that day were not more humane than their descendants in the days of King Mesha. A deadly conflict with the Ammonites was provoked by a gross insult to friendly ambassadors of Israel; and this war, of which we have pretty full details in 2 Sam. x. 1-xi. 1, xii. 26-31, assumed dimensions of unusual magnitude when the Ammonites procured the aid of their Aramean neighbors, and especially of Hadadezer, whose kingdom of Zoba seems to have held at that time a pre-eminence in Syria at least equal to that which was afterwards gained by Damascus. The defeat of Hadadezer in two great campaigns brought in the voluntary or forced submission of all the lesser kingdoms of Syria as far as the Orontes and the Euphrates. The glory of this victory was 1 For the manner in which this national force was called out compare 1 Chron. xxvii. David destroyed two-thirds of the Moabites-presumably of their fighting men (2 Sam. viii. 2). Mesha destroys every inhabitant of cities captured in honor of his god Chemosh.

3 Hadadezer is also mentioned in 2 Sam. viii. in the general sum

increased by the simultaneous subjugation of Edom in a war conducted by Joab with characteristic severity. After a great battle on the shores of the Dead Sea the struggle was continued for six months. The Edomites contested every inch of ground, and all who bore arms perished (2 Sam. viii. 13; 1 Kings xi. 15-17; Ps. Ix., title). The war with Ammon was not ended till the following year, when the fall of Rabbah crowned David's warlike exploits. But the true culminating point of his glory was his re| turn from the great Syrian campaign, laden with treasures to enrich the sanctuary; and it is at this time that we may suppose him to have sung the great song of triumph preserved in 2 Sam. xxii. (Ps. xviii.). Before the fall of Rabbah this glory was clouded with the shame of Bathsheba, and the blood of Uriah.

3. As the birth of Solomon cannot have been earlier than the capture of Rabbah, it appears that David's wars were ended within the first half of his reign at Jerusalem, and the tributary nations do not seem to have attempted any revolt while he and Joab lived (comp. 1 Kings xi. 14-25). But when the nation was no longer knit together by the fear of danger from without, the internal difficulties of the new kingdom became more manifest. The inveterate jealousies of Judah and Israel reappeared; and, as has been already mentioned, the men of Judah were the chief malcontents. In this respect, and presumably not in this alone, David suffered for the very excellence of his impartial rule. In truth all innovations are dangerous to an Eastern sovereign, and all Eastern revolutions are conservative. On the other hand David continued to tolerate some ancient usages inconsistent with the interests of internal harmony. The practice of blood-revenge was not put down, and by allowing the Gibeonites to enforce it against the house of Saul, the king involved himself in a feud with the Benjamites (comp. 2 Sam. xxi. with chap. xvi. 8, which refers to a later date). Yet he might have braved all these dangers, but for the disorders of his own family, and his deep fall in the matter of Bathsheba, from which the prophet Nathan rightly foresaw fatal consequences, not to be averted even when divine forgiveness accepted the sincere contrition of the king. That the nation at large was not very sensitive to the moral enormities which flow from the system of the harem is clear from 2 Sam. xvi. 21. But the kingdom of David was strong by rising above the level of ordinary Oriental monarchy, and expressing the ideal of a rule after Jehovah's own heart (1 Sam. xiii. 14), and in the spirit of the highest teaching of the prophets. This ideal, shattered by a single grievous fall, could be restored by no repentance. Within the royal family the continued influence of Bathsheba added a new element to the jealousies of the harem. David's sons were estranged from one another, and acquired all the vices of Oriental princes. The severe impartiality of the sacred historian has concealed no feature in this dark picture,—the brutal passion of Amnon, the shameless counsel of the wily Jonadab, the black scowl that rested on the face of Absalom through two long years of meditated revenge,* the panic of the court when the blow was struck and Amnon was assassinated in the midst of his brethren. Three years of exile and two of further disgrace estranged the heart of Absalom from his father. His personal advantages and the princely lineage of his mother gave him a pre-eminence among the king's sons, to which he added emphasis by the splendor of his retinue, while he studiously courted personal popularity by a pretended interest in the administration of kingly justice. Thus ingratiated with the mass he raised the standard of revolt in Hebron, with the malcontent Judeans as his first supporters, and the crafty Ahithophel, a man of southern Judah, as his chief adviser. Arrangements had been made for the simultaneous proclamation of Absalom in all parts of the land. The surprise was complete, and David was compelled to evacuate Jerusalem, where he might have been crushed before he had time to rally his faithful subjects. Ahithophel knew better than any one how artificial and unsubstantial was the enthusiasm for Absalom. hoped to strike David before there was time for second thoughts; and when Absalom rejected this plan, and acted on the assumption that he could count on the whole nation, he despaired of success and put an end to his own life.

He

mary of David's wars, but we can hardly suppose that a different Syrian war is here meant.

We owe this graphic touch to Ewald's brilliant interpretation of an obscure word in 2 Sam. xiii. 32.

of St. David's. His shrine is to be seen in the existing oathedral. Recent criticism, while admitting that St. David founded a see at Menevia, and that he probably took an active part in the undoubtedly historical synod of Brefi, has discredited his archiepiscopal jurisdiction. This is almost certainly the invention of those in a later age who wished to maintain the independence of the Welsh church, and supremacy in that church of the see of St. David's. It was the view that naturally commended itself to the author of the earliest life of St. David, Rythmark, or Ricemarchus, bishop of St. David's in the 11th century, who wrote at a time when the independence of the Welsh church was seriously threatened. His narrative is followed in the main by Giraldus Cambrensis and later authorities. St. David was canonized by Pope Calixtus II. in the 12th century. His festival is celebrated on the 1st March.

DAVID, FÉLICIEN CÉSAR (1810-1876), a French composer, was born at Cadenet, in the department of Vaucluse, March 8, 1910. As a child he exhibited proofs of unusual precocity, and at the age of four had made considerable progress in his musical studies. Being early left an orphan, and totally unprovided for, he obtained, through the influence of relatives, admission to the choir of Saint-Sauveur at Aix. Subsequently he entered into the employment of an attorney, but quitted his service to become sucressively chef-d'orchestre in the theatre at Aix, and chapelmaster of the church in which he had formerly appeared as a humble chorister. He next proceeded to Paris, where he subsisted for some time on a pittance of 50 francs a month, afforded him by a rich but miserly uncle. After pursuing diligently a course of studies at the Conservatoire under Fétis, Reber, and others, he cast in his lot with the Saint-Simonians, and on the dispersion of that sect in 1833 accompanied several of the brethren on a fruitless expedition to the East. The immediate result of this tour was the publication, on his return to Paris, of the Mélodies Orientales, which met with little encouragement. Nine years after this, however, the musical world was suddenly startled by the production of the Désert, a work abounding in graceful melodies, and affording proof of an extensive acquaintance with orchestral effects. This ode-symphony, as it was called, rapidly gained for the composer a widespread reputation. It was, after some vexatious delays, first performed at the Conservatoire in 1844, and quickly found a hearing in every European capital. Enthusiasts were not slow to predict for David a brilliant career, but their hopes were scarcely realized. Nothing the composer afterwards wrote at all equalled the Désert. In the Christophe Colomb (1847) there are noble passages, and the comic opera of Lalla Rookh possesses numbers graced by a captivating delicacy of orchestration, but neither for these nor for his other principal works-Moïse au Mont Sinaï (1846), La Perle du Brésil (1851), and Herculaneum (1859)—can a place be claimed in the foremost ranks of composition. They were of sufficient merit, however, to gain for him the biennial prize of the emperor, which was awarded by the French Institute in 1868. In the following year he was appointed to the post of librarian at the Conservatoire, vacated by M. Berlioz, whom he afterwards succeeded as a member of the Institute. He died on the 29th of August, 1876, aged sixty-six.

DAVID, JACQUES LOUIS (1748-1825), historical painter, was born in Paris in 1748. His father having been killed in a duel, a maternal uncle first placed him in the Collége des Quatre-Nations and afterwards in an architect's office. An accidental visit to the studio of his great-uncle, Boucher, led him to leave his adopted profession; and Boucher, observing the boy's distaste for his own erotic style, sent him to Vien, who, having succeeded to the directorship of the French Academy in Rome just at the time his pupil had taken the grand prize (1775), carried the youth with him to that city. At this time Winckelmann was writing, Raphael Mengs painting, and the taste for classic severity was a necessary reaction on what had gone before. This is shown by Carstens and the younger Germans very shortly after following a quite independent movement of the same nature. David's classicism was directly derived from the antique, and easily understood. The spirit of the day made the first picture, "Date Obolum Belisario," painted according to his new principles, a complete success, and this was followed by others more perfect-The Grief of Andromache, The Oath of the Horatii, the Death of Socrates, and the Rape of the

Sabine Women, now in the Louvre. In the French drama an unimaginative imitation of ancient models had long prevailed; even in art Poussin and Le Sueur were successful by expressing a bias in the same direction; and in the first years of the revolutionary movement, the fashion of imitating the ancients even in dress and manners went to the most extravagant length. At this very time David returned to Paris; he was now painter to the king, Louis XVI., who had been the purchaser of his principal works. It is not possible to overestimate the popularity of the young painter, who was himself carried away by the flood of enthusiasm that made all the intellect of France believe in a new era of equality and emancipation from all the ills of life.

Sent to the Convention in September, 1792, by the Section du Musée, he quickly distinguished himself by the defence of two French artists in Rome who had fallen into the merciless hands of the sbirri of the Inquisition; and as the behavior of the authorities of the French Academy in Rome had been in obedience to old slavish ideas, he had the influence to get it suppressed. In January following his election into the Convention his vote was given for the king's death. Thus the man who was so greatly indebted to the Roman Academy and to Louis XVI. assisted resolutely in the destruction of both. This line of action was no doubt a kind of self-sacrifice to him. It was in obedience to a principle, like the dreadful act of Brutus condemning his sons,-a subject he painted with all his powers. Cato and Stoicism were the order of the day. Hitherto the actor had walked the stage in modern dress. Brutus had been applauded in red-heeled shoes and culottes jarretées; but Talma, advised by David, appeared in the toga and sandals before an enthusiastic audience. At this period of his life Mdlle. de Noailles thought to make a good impression upon him by insisting on his painting a sacred subject, with Jesus Christ as the hero. When the picture was done, the Saviour was found to be another Cato. "I told you so," he replied to the expostulations of the lady; there is no inspiration in Christianity now!" He accordingly developed the scheme of the Fête à la Etre Suprême, and he remained the master of pageants for a long period, escaping the guillotine only by the regard paid to his character as an artist. When Napoleon destroyed the new-found liberty, and expunged the novel gospel, David succumbed to the military spirit and well-nigh worshipped him. His picture of Napoleon on horseback pointing the way to Italy is now in Berlin. We have mentioned the principal classic subjects painted by David. They are hard and dry in execution, painted on a white ground with opaque but splendid color, which has, however, really little charm. The other class of works which came from his easel was commemorative of the Revolution. When Lepelletier was assassinated in the Palais Royal, after the vote for the death of the king, David painted the subject, and the picture was exhibited in the Convention with much emotion. Marat Dead in the Bath is a work of a very impressive kind. The Oath in the Tennis Court is another very important production, both historically and in relation to the artist. His extensive commissions from the emperor are still objects of attraction at Versailles. On the return of the Bourbons our painter was exiled with the other remaining regicides, and retired to Brussels, where he recommenced his classic series by the Loves of Paris and Helen. Here he remained till his death, 29th December, 1825, at the age of seventy-seven, having rejected the offer made through Baron Humboldt of the office of minister of fine arts at Berlin. His end was true to his whole career and to his nationality. While dying, a print of the Leonidas, one of his favorite subjects, was submitted to him. It was placed conveniently, and after vaguely looking at it a long time, "Il n'y a que moi qui pouvais concevoir la tête de Léonidas," he whispered, and died. His friends and his party thought to carry the body back to his beloved Paris for burial, but the Government of the day arrested the procession at the frontier, an act which caused some scandal, and furnished the occasion of a terrible song of Beranger's. Gros, Girodet, and Gérard were David's best pupils.

DAVID, JEAN PIERRE (1789-1856), usually called David d'Angers, a much-admired French sculptor, and, like David the painter, to whom he was in no other way related, a demonstrative partisan of advanced ideas in

politics and religion, was born at Angers, 12th March, 1789. His father was a sculptor, or rather a carver, but he had thrown aside the mallet and taken the musket, fighting against the Chouans of La Vendée. He returned to his trade at the end of the civil war, to find his customers gone, so that young David was born into poverty. As the boy grew up his father wished to force him into some more lucrative and certain way of life. At last he succeeded in surmounting the opposition to his becoming a sculptor, and in his eighteenth year left for Paris to study | the art upon a fund of eleven francs. As far as we know his works, the genius on which he relied was not very great; but after struggling against want for a year and a half, he succeeded in taking the prize at the Ecole des Beaux Arts. Energy and perseverance stood in the place of natural ability, and now fortune aided him in the shape of an annuity of 600 francs (£24), granted by the municipality of his native town, by the name of which he was proud to be called ever after. This was in 1809, and in 1811 his Epaminondas gained the prize of Rome, where he spent five years, rather too much impressed by the works of Canova.

Returning from Rome about the time of the restoration of the Bourbons, he would not remain in the neighborhood of the Tuileries, swarming with foreign conquerors and returned royalists; he found his way to London, having made several English acquaintances in Rome. Here, if we are to believe the statement in his biography, he was offered the commission to erect a monument commemorative of Waterloo,-more probably he received an invitation to offer a design for some such work, which he might misunderstand from his ignorance of English. At the same time his resources were exhausted, and Flaxman and others visited upon him the sins of David the painter, to whom he was supposed to be related. With great difficulty he made his way to Paris again, where a comparatively prosperous career opened upon him. His medallions and busts were in much request, and monumental works also came to him. One of the best of these was that of Gutenberg at Strasburg; but those he himself valued most were the statue of Barra, a drummer-boy who fell in the war in La Vendée, who continued to beat his drum till the moment of death, and the monument to the Greek liberator, Bozzaris. This was a young female figure he called 'Reviving Greece," of which his friend Victor Hugo says rather absurdly, "It is difficult to see anything more beautiful in the world; this statue joins the grandeur of Phidias to the expressive manner of Puget." His busts and medallions were very numerous, and among his sitters may be found not only the illustrious men and women of France, but many others both of England and Germanycountries which he visited professionally in 1827 and 1829. His medallions, it is affirmed, number 500. He died on the 4th of January, 1856.

66

David d'Angers was respected for his consistency and benevolence. As an example of the latter may be mentioned his rushing off to the sick bed of Rouget de Lille, the author of the Marseillaise Hymn, modelling and carving him in marble without delay, making a lottery of the work, and possibly saving the poet's life by sending him the proceeds, £72, when in the extremity of need.

DAVID HA-COHEN, a learned Rabbin, was born at Lara, in Spain, about the beginning of the 17th century, and died at Hamburg in 1674. He was chief of the synagogue at Amsterdam, and he afterwards held the same office at Hamburg. From this he was deposed on a suspicion of an intention to become a Christian, which seems to have been unfounded. It probably originated in the fact that he held more liberal sentiments than those which prevailed in the Jewish community of his time. David was the author of several works of value in the department of rabbinical literature. The most important is the Corona Sacerdotum (Hamburg, 1667), a Talmudic and rabbinical dictionary, which was printed only as far as the letter Yod, though the author carried on the work to the letter Resh after forty years' labor. A small portion of the dictionary was printed at Amsterdam in 1648 as a specimen, with the title Civitas David.

DAVIDISTS, a name borne by two distinct sects in the history of the Christian church. 1. It is sometimes applied to the followers of David of Dinant, whose work entitled Quaternarii was condemned at the Synod of Paris in 1209. The works of Amalric of Bena were condemned

at the same synod, but this is scarcely a sufficient ground for classing David of Dinant among his followers. Our information as to the views of the latter is derived from the Summa of Albertus Magnus and the Summa of Thomas Aquinas. He founded upon the Platonists and the Ara bian philosophers his fundamental doctrine that the Deity alone has any real existence, being the materia prima of all things. 2. The name Davidists, or David-Georgians, is more commonly applied to the followers of David George, or Joris, who was born at Delft in 1501. In 1530 he was punished by whipping, the boring of his tongue, and imprisonment for obstructing a Catholic procession in his native town. In 1534 he joined the Anabaptists, but soon afterwards he founded a sect of his own. In 1542 he published his Book of Wonders, containing an account of visions and revelations he professed to have had. Two years later he settled down as a merchant at Basel, where he lived in prosperity for twelve years under the assumed name of Johann von Brügge. After his death his son-inlaw, offended probably at the disposition he made of his property, instituted a process of heresy against him; and his body was exhumed and burnt by order of the senate of Basel. The Davidists, under the leadership of Henry Nicolas, afterwards became known in Holland and England as the Familists. They interpreted the whole of Scripture allegorically, and maintained that as Moses had taught hope, and Christ had taught faith, it was their mission to teach love. The service of love was the highest and best of the dispensations. The result was an extreme Antinomianism in practice, which attracted the notice of the civil authorities in both countries. The sect was suppressed or absorbed in other sects early in the 17th century. DAVIES, SIR JOHN (1569-1626), philosophical poet of the age of Elizabeth, was baptized on the 16th of April, 1569, at Tisbury, in Wiltshire, where his parents lived in the manor-house of Chicksgrove. He was sent first to Winchester College, and afterwards to New College, Oxford. In 1585 he became a commoner of Queen's College, Oxford, and in 1587 entered at the Middle Temple. Bereft of both his parents at a very early age, he seems to have plunged into all the dissipations that London could offer in those days to a rich young man of fashion. It is amus ing to find the future attorney-general of Ireland, and grave Christian poet, connected, beyond all concealment, with one of the worst literary scandals of the period. One would be very glad to know what circumstances led to the publication of the notorious and now excessively rare little volume that bears the title All Ovid's Elegies, 3 Bookes, by C. M. Epigrams by J. D. At Middleburgh, in which Marlowe had a share, and which was condemned by the archbishop to be burned. The Epigrams are far from edifying or promising, and we may, in the absence of a date, be permitted to put the earliest possible 1592 or 1593, on their unseemly boisterousness. In 1593 was ready for the printer, though not, it would seem, published till 1596, a far more worthy work, the charming and singular fragment called Orchestra, a little epic written in praise of dancing, in fifteen consecutive days. The poet seeks to prove that every harmonious movement of nature, every action of the elements, every motion in the firmament, is a conscious and well-ordered dance; also that plants in growing, men in all their familiar and noble exercises, the angels themselves, and all the mysterious translunary world effect a solemn dancing in their motion. Orchestra was dedicated to the author's "very friend," Master Richard Martin, a riotous youth whom, in the winter of 1597, Davies, the friends having quarrelled, attacked with a cudgel in the hall of the Middle Temple. For this offence he was expelled and degraded. Rusticating at Oxford, he spent the first year after his expulsion in the composition of his great philosophical poem, Nosce Teipsum, which ap peared in 1599. It is on this work that his fame mainly rests. The style was entirely novel in that age; and its force, eloquence, and ingenuity, no less than the modern and polished tone of the periods, made it at once extremely popular. It was to its own age all that Pope's Essay on Man was to the Georgian period. In the same year, 1599, there saw the light a little book of exquisite lyrics from the same hand, Hymns to Astrea, twenty-six acrostics on the words Elizabetha Regina, which all warble with the most delightful sweetness. In 1601 Davies was restored to his position at the bar, without loss of seniority. About the same time he sat in Elizabeth's last Parliament, as