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cility; and he knew that it must occur to every Frenchman capable of serious reflection, and would give confidence to the royalists in every part of the kingdom. It was therefore one of his first attempts to inculcate the belief that the allied powers would not interfere in this new revolution. He at first boldly asserted that he had brought a twenty years truce in his pocket; and when this important paper could not be produced, expectations were raised of the immediate return of the empress and young Napoleon, as a pledge of the pacific intentions of Austria; and reasons were assigned why England and Russia were likely to remain neuter. These hopes, however, were fatally defeated by a declaration made public at Vienna on March 13th, by the plenipotentiaries of the powers who had signed the treaty of Paris. It was said in this manifesto, that Buonaparte, by breaking the convention which established him in the island of Elba, had destroyed the only legal title on which his existence depended, and had manifested to the universe that there could be neither peace nor truce with him; and the powers consequently declared, that Napoleon Buonaparte had placed himself out of the pale of civil and social relations, and as an enemy and disturber of the tranquillity of the world, had rendered himself liable to public vengeance. They further affirmed, that if there should result from this attempt of his, any real dan ger, they would be ready to give to the King of France, and to the French nation, or to every other government that should be at

tacked, all the assistance requisite to restore public tranquillity. This declaration was signed by the ministers of Austria, Spain, France, Great Britain, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and Sweden, and preparations were every where making to support its resolutions. Its authenticity was called in question at Paris, but the reception Buonaparte's fraternal letters to the allied sovereigns met with, and the approach of their armies to the frontiers, gave convincing proof of their determinations.

Meanwhile the new revolution was strengthening itself in France, the greater part of which seemed to adopt with enthusiasm the tricoloured flag and the sovereignty of Napoleon; but the latter, only under the form of the head to a popular government. This idea was explicitly declared in the different addresses presented to Buonaparte in his imperial capacity at the Tuilleries on March 27th. That of the ministers led the way, signed by Cambaceres, the Dukes of Gaeta, of Bassano (Maret), Otranto (Fouche), and Vincenza (Caulaincourt), the Prince of Eckmuhl (Davoust), Mollien, and Carnot. The whole strain of this address corresponds to the following passage: cause of the people, the only legitimate cause, has triumphed. Your Majesty is restored to the wishes of the French: you have resumed the reins of government amidst the blessings of your people and your army. France, Sire, has for the guaranty of this, its will, and its dearest interests. She has also the expressions of your Majesty uttered amidst the throngs that crowded around you

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on your journey." They proceed to mention the maxims which he had announced as those by which the nation was in future to be governed. "We are to have no foreign war, unless to repel unjust aggression: no internal reaction; no arbitrary acts. Personal security, protection of property, the free utterance of thought, such are the principles which your Majesty has pledged to us." To addresses like these Buonaparte was obliged at this juncture to return corresponding answers; conscious, without doubt, that the very necessity imposed on him of securing the new order of things by armies entirely at his devotion, would give him the power, if successful, of modifying his promises at his pleasure. It was probably for the purpose of ingratiating himself with the party attached to liberty, that he published a decree for the abolition of the slave-trade.

The south of France continued for some time in a state of opposition to the change of government. The Duke of Angouleme had repaired at the first alarm to Nismes. His Duchess went to Bourdeaux, which city, as the first place that had declared for the Bourbons, might be expected to be zealous in their cause. The prefect of the department of the Gironde published at Bourdeaux on March 25th an address to the inhabitants, in which he informed them that the departments of the south would form one government under the command of the Duke of Angouleme; and this was seconded by an address to the volunteers of

the national guard by the councilgeneral of the departinent. Marseilles, Valence, and some other towns, also organized a small force to act in the royal cause. The attempt at Bourdeaux to excite a spirit of resistar ce to the power of the usurper was soon brought to a close, notwithstanding

all the exertions of the Duchess of Angouleme, who prov ed that an almost ascetic devotion had not unfitted her from taking a very active and energetic part in supporting the interests of her family. After having in vain used every endeavour to rouse the courage of the officers who wore the white cockade, she said, “I see your fears, you are cowards; I absolve you from the oaths you have taken!" and turning her horse, she rode away, and soon after, on April 1st, embarked on board of an English frigate.

The Duke of Angouleme in the meantime had been trying his fortune in another part. On April 2d his troops gained an advantage at the passage of the Drone, the consequence of which was the possession of Valence, and of the course of the Isere. On the 3d he was informed that Nismes and Montpellier had raised the standard of revolt, and that three generals were advancing against him. The national guards now began to quit him. He left Valence, and began his retreat, and he sent to General Gilly at Pont St. Esprit to propose a convention for the liberty of passing with his corps. The convention was signed on the 8th, by which the royal army was disbanded, and the national guards who remained were allowed to return to their

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at once (said the minisy are arming, or marchready to march." To this :was annexed another from committee of presidents of ouncil of state, at a sitting April 2d. It began with a comnt upon the declaration of the d powers on March 13th, ch the committee first afned to have been the work of e French plenipotentiaries, and then endeavoured to shew its inconsistency with_all_public_and national rights. It proceeded to enumerate the breach of engagements made with the Emperor Napoleon, and the violation of the constitutional rights of the French nation by Louis; and concluded with an attempt to prove that there : a had been no change effected by the restoration of Napoleon which ought to induce foreign powers to interfere in the affairs of at France. This paper was signed the by the Counts Defermon, RegVà trong naud, St. Jean D'Angely, Bou

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troops under the Duke of ri, were quartered at Alost. On April 23d Buonaparte published from the Elysée palace, to which he had removed, what he entitled "An Act Additional to the Constitutions of the Empire," ve which he described in the preamble as a series of arrangements tending to modify and improve the constitutional acts which had formerly passed under his government, to strengthen the rights of citizens by every guaranty, to give the representative system its whole extension, and in fine, to combine the highest degree of political liberty with the force necessary for causing the indepen dence of the French to be respected by foreigners, and for supporting the dignity of the crown. This act was to be submitted to the free acceptance of all citizens throughout France. In fact, it contained, under the several heads, all the provisions for establishing a free representative government, similar to that of England, which it obviously had in view; and though it never took place, the record of it is so far valuable as affording a view of what was thought necessary to satisfy the expectations of the party which then possessed the principal political influence, and to whose wishes Buonaparte would probably have been obliged to conform, had he been unable to re-establish a military despotism. It included a legislative body, of which one chamber was hereditary, the other elective, taxation only by law, judges for life, and

To this acting powers the accession of in Europe, and his most Christian See State Papers.) XVIII., on his retreat sued two ordinances, the idding all his subjects to es of any kind to the soimperial government, and lic functionaries and reIs to pay into its chests the as in their hand, and also uspending the sales of timber and domains in the departments invaded by Buonaparte; the seeoud forbidding obedience to the law of conscription, or any other recruiting order emanating from him. Louis afterwards removed his residence to Ghent, where he had with him three of his ministers, the Duke of Feltre (Clarke), and the Counts Blacas and Jaucourt; to these be added in his council Count Lally Tolendal, and M. de Chateaubriand. The Marshals

trial by jury, liberty of person, except in cases prescribed by law, freedom of worship, liberty of the press without previous censorship, the general right of petitioning, and equal admissibility of all citizens to civil and military employments.

Three days before this, Buonaparte had published a decree by which extraordinary commissioners were sent sent to all the `military divisions, who were to abrogate the functions of mayors, adjuncts, members of municipal councils, officers and commandants of national guards, and subprefects, and were to renew them provisionally on the recommendation of the prefects. They were also to renovate the members of the councils-general of department, and of councils of district; and they were to transmit to the minister of the interior all the nominations which they should make. They were further authorized to replace provisionally all the functionaries of the boards of public administration who should be absent from their posts, or unable to fill them. The object of this decree to place all local authority in the hands of persons devoted to the new order of things, is apparent. For the purpose of producing a counterbalance to the royalists of Britany, a federal compact was proposed to the five departments of that province, of persons devoted to the Emperor and the national cause, who were to form a part of the national guard; and a considerable number of signatures to it was obtained. That a spirit of opposition to the government of Buonaparte was still active in

various parts of France was made manifest by a report of the minister of general police, Fouche, which notified that disorders had occurred in various departments of the West and North, and recommended that effectual measures should be taken for their prevention and suppression. In consequence, an imperial decree was issued on May 9th, containing various injunctions against intercourse and correspondence with the Count de Lille (as Louis XVIII. was termed), and the members of his house and their agents, and against all who should insult the tri-coloured flag, or adopt any other rallying signal.

In the beginning of May the French Papers made slight mention of disturbances renewed at Marseilles, Arles, and other parts of the South, and of royal proclamations stuck up at Paris, all indicating the effects on the public mind of the certain approach of a foreign war, and the consequent insecurity of the existing government. A strong manifesto addressed to the French nation by the King, drawn up by Lally Tolendal, contributed its aid to revive the Bourbon cause.

The ceremonial of the Champ de Mai did not take place till June 1st. Its purpose was by no means deliberative, as might seem to be implied by a title allusive to ancient practice, but merely to express the national consent to the constitution proposed to it by imperial authority : hence the greater part of the electors who had come to Paris from the provinces returned to their homes previously to the solemnity. The pageant was con

ducted

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