141 CHAPTER XI. THE DISMISSAL OF GENERAL CHANGARNIER. Ox the meeting of the Assembly on November 11, M. Baroche read the President's message. It proved the inexhaustible patience of the Chief Magistrate towards the enemies who were bent on his destruction. He referred to the laws on which the Executive and the Legislature had agreed to strengthen the hands of Government against the disturbances of public order, and congratulated the country on the growing confidence and prosperity which had sprung out of this harmonious action of the Executive and the Assembly. Then he reviewed the home action of the Government. The National Guard— deliberative bodies with arms in their hands—had been disbanded in 153 towns; great military divisions had been created to ensure tranquillity throughout the provinces; the agricultural districts had been calmed by the removal of the village schoolmasters who had been the agents of the Socialists; the savings bank and benefit society laws were working excellently well; the financial condition of the communes was improving ; telegraphic lines were being extended; since June 1849 2,400 convicted revolutionists had been liberated, and there remained only 458 under restraint; the Government had prepared measures on the industrial employment of prisoners and the treatment of juvenile criminals, and one making provision for the old soldiers of the Republic and the Empire. CHAP. BOOK The finances had improved; the deficit had been diminished; and there was every reason to hope that the Budget of 1851 would show a revenue equal to the expenditure. Foreign trade had revived. The progress of the country under new laws and guidance would have enabled the Government, within the space of three years -that is, between 1849 and 1851-to enrich the country with public works to the extent of 200,000,000f., to relieve the poorest class of tax-payers, and to lighten the burdens of agriculture to the extent of 27,000,000f. Then the President dwelt on the plans prepared for the completion of the main lines of railway, for the extension of canals and high roads and the improvement of rivers, as necessary to the rapid development of the riches of France. The Government had also given attention to the introduction of agricultural machinery, the improvement. in the breed of cattle and horses, the application of science to the cultivation of the earth, the establishment of model farms. Many other measures affecting the development of arts, manufactures, and industries were in preparation, including one for the encouragement of the great fisheries. All these measures bore the impress of Prince Louis's mind. Glancing abroad, the President congratulated the Assembly on the downfall of the turbulent demagogy of Rome, which throughout the Italian peninsula had compromised the cause of real liberty.' The brave soldiers of France had had the honour of restoring Pius IX. to the throne of St. Peter. Party passion,' said the President, will not be able to obscure this shining fact, which will fill a glorious page for France. The constant aim of our policy has been to encourage the liberal and philanthropical intentions of the Holy Father. The Pontifical Power pursues the realisation of the promises contained in the motu proprio of September 1849.' Then XI. the President turned to England, and remarked that France CHAP. had, in concert with England, sent her naval forces to the Levant in order to show her loyal sympathy for the independence of the Porte, menaced by Russia and Austria, who were expected to demand the extradition of the Hungarian and Polish refugees on Turkish territory. The French Government had also concluded advantageous navigation and other treaties with foreign Powers. The account of all this useful and hopeful work was followed by a peroration which compelled applause even in the hostile Assembly to which it was addressed. This is,' said the President, a rapid review of the condition of our affairs. In spite of the difficult circumstances under which we have laboured, law and authority have so far recovered their empire that nobody believes in the success of violence henceforth. Still, the more that fears as to the present diminish, the more do people give themselves up to speculations about the future. France, before all things, desires repose. Still disturbed by the dangers which society has run, she remains apart from the quarrels of men and parties, which appear so mean in the presence of the great interests which are at stake. I have often declared, when the opportunity has offered for publicly expressing my thoughts, that I should regard as great criminals those who, for personal ambition, should compromise the little stability which the Constitution affords us. This is my profound conviction, and it has never been shaken. Only the enemies of the public peace have been able to misrepresent the simplest acts which spring from my position. 'As First Magistrate of the Republic, I have been obliged to put myself in communication with the clergy, the magistracy, agriculturists, manufacturers, the civil service, and the army, and I have been eager to express BOOK VII. to them,' at every opportunity, my sympathy and my gratitude for the support which they afford me; and, above all, if my name as well as my efforts have combined to strengthen the spirit of the army, which I alone command, according to the terms of the Constitution, I venture to say that it is a service that I believe I have rendered the country, for I have always used my personal influence in the cause of order. 6 The invariable rule of my policy will be, under all circumstances, to do my duty, and nothing but my duty. Everybody, except myself, is now allowed to wish that our fundamental laws may be at once revised. If the Constitution includes flaws and dangers, you are all free to lay them before the country. I alone, bound by my oath, fold myself within the strict limits traced by the Constitution. 'A great number of the Councils-General have expressed a desire that the Constitution shall be revised. This wish is addressed only to the Legislative power. As for me, the elect of the people, and deriving power only from them, I shall always conform to their legally expressed wishes. The uncertainty of the future raises, I know, many apprehensions, by reviving many hopes. Let us all know how to sacrifice these hopes to the country, and let us busy ourselves only with its interests. If, during this session, you vote the revision of the Constitution, a Constituent Assembly will recast our fundamental laws, and regulate the future of the Executive power. If you do not vote it, the people, in 1852, will solemnly give expression to their will. But, be the solutions of the future what they may, let us understand one another, so that neither passion nor violence may decide the fate of a great nation. Let us inspire the people with a love of peace, by being calm in our deliberations. Let us inspire them with the sanctity of the law, by keeping always within it; and then, believe me, the progress of good political habits will compensate for the danger of institutions created in days of mistrust and doubt. 'Rest assured that that which preoccupies me is not who will govern France in 1852, but how to employ the time at my command so that the transition, whatever it may be, shall be effected without agitation or trouble. The noblest and most elevated aspiration of a pure mind is not to discover, when in power, the expedients by which it may be perpetuated, but to seek incessantly the means of consolidating, for the advantage of all, the principles of authority and morality, which defy the passions of men and the instability of laws. 'I have loyally opened my heart to you. You will give me your confidence in return for my frankness, your assistance for my good intentions; and God will take care of the rest.' This account of solid work done in the cause of order and for the revival of national prosperity, and this renewed appeal to the Monarchical parties to sink personal aspirations and labour together loyally for the good of France, was well received everywhere save in the Monarchical and Republican coteries. These compared it with the Prince's provincial speeches, and perceived only that they had to contend against a power that was striking deep roots in the soil. While MM. Berryer and Thiers had been dallying with their exiled princes the elect of France had been opening lines of railway, and promising more-foreshadowing the liberal commercial system1 which he was destined to perfect years 1 At the banquet offered to the President by the Lyons Chamber of VOL. III. L Commerce, in the autumn of 1850, he CHAP. XI. |