Then, for the first time, appeared in an official scene the figure that was destined to become familiar to France and to Europe-a thoughtful, pale face, overcast with such sadness as years of care set upon a man's aspect; the broad brow, lightly covered with fair hair; the blue eyes, veiled, but flushing at intervals; a slight figure, slow in movement and dignified in carriage. The inquisitive, hostile Assembly could find no fault with the dignified and courteous gentleman, who bowed and prepared to take the oath as invited by their president. The said president was performing a duty that manifestly went against the grain with him. The spectacle was a sombre one in the dimly-lighted chamber while M. Marrast read out the oath. In the presence of God, and before the French people, I swear to remain faithful to the democratic Republic and to defend the Constitution.' The Prince raised his hand, and said I swear.' M. Marrast again raised a solemn voice, and said: 'I take God to witness the oath that has been sworn. It will be inserted in the procès verbal in the "Moniteur," and will be published in the form prescribed for public oaths.' Then the Prince took a paper from his pocket, composedly unfolded it, and read, with a clear, sonorous voice : 'Citizen Representatives,-The suffrages of the nation, the oath I have just sworn, command my future conduct and indicate my duties. I shall regard as enemies to the country all who may endeavour by illegal means to change the form of government which you have established. 'There can be no disagreement between you and me. Like you, I desire to establish society on its true bases. I seek the prosperity of those intelligent and generous people who have given me so great a mark of their confidence. BOOK The policy of France should be peace abroad and a spirit of conciliation at home. 'I have called to my council honourable men who, being sprung from various origins, are a guarantee of conciliation. 'I should thank the seceding powers for the efforts which they have made to maintain order. The conduct of General Cavaignac has been worthy of his character and of the mission which the Assembly had confided to him. 'The Government will be neither Utopian nor reactionary. We will make the happiness of the country, and we hope that, with the blessing of God, if we do not accomplish great things, we shall endeavour to do good things.' At the conclusion of this address the Assembly rose and shouted Long live the Republic!' while the Prince President slowly descended from the tribune and took his seat for a moment near his first Minister, M. Odilon Barrot. He then moved deliberately, and with an easy grace, while the representatives jumped upon their seats to catch a glimpse of him, to the bench in the Left Centre where General Cavaignac was seated, and tendered him his hand, saying: I could not receive the Executive power from worthier hands than yours.' It is said by some that the General faintly and hesitatingly took the Prince's hand, while others maintain that his response was strictly courteous. Certainly the cause of the Republic gained nothing by those who represented Cavaignac as wanting in courtesy to his foe. According to M. Delord, the President's speech on taking the oath was coldly received, an indefinable doubt paralysing the hands of the representatives.' They 16 La voix du Président de la République parut s'animer en lisant le second paragraphe de son allocution; les applaudissements n'éclatèrent pas; sentiment de doute indéfinissable retint les mains des représen un IV. would not respond to the firmness and warmth with which CHAP. he read the paragraph in which he declared that he would regard as the country's enemies all who might attempt to change the form of government by illegal means.1 General Cavaignac had no reason to doubt the sincerity of the new President, but he had good reason to fear the steadfastness of the Republicans. M. Delord admits that he did doubt them, and that it was for this reason he fell. He wavered, and became incapable as a political leader, because he could put no trust in his troops. He believed in discipline. He could not, as a soldier, understand equality. The military hierarchy was his model for all society; and seeing that all the higher grades in the political, academical, financial, and industrial camps were held by Royalists, he felt alone amid the tants.'-Histoire du Second Empire, 1848-1869. Taxile Delord. Vol. i. p. 127. Great was the eagerness of everyone to know the opinion that had been formed in England of the Prince Louis Napoleon. It was only known that he was looked on there as a perfect gentleman; but nobody could understand why he should have had himself sworn in as a special constable on the occasion of the Chartist demonstration of the 10th of April, and various were the reasons assigned. 'His first speech in the Legislative Assembly was expected to be an explanation of his policy; it was, however, brief and modest. The election of the Prince as President of the Republic may be considered as a national triumph, as it certainly proved a national benefit; for he immediately took steps to organise a competent Ministry, and commenced carrying into effect the improvements that his VII. BOOK Republicans. They included no persons of the rank he could respect, no personages of authority with whom he could act in confidence; hence his indecision immediately after the days of June, when he might have taken the Presidential chair amid the acclamations of all classes of his countrymen. If General Cavaignac gave the President of the Republic a cold greeting, it was because he was as undecided how to behave under his discomfiture as he had been in the moment of victory. The scene closed with the solemn departure of the Prince President, accompanied by three questors nominated by the Assembly to conduct him to the Elysée National with the ceremonies due to his rank. So hurriedly and quietly had the event of the day been prepared, that the palace to which the President of the Republic was conducted had not a single room arranged for his reception. But the Prince was a man of simple habits. A bed, a table, and a chair sufficed for the new host of the Élysée, who had returned to one of the haunts of his childhood after being a wanderer for forty years. CHAPTER V. PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON PRESIDENT. DURING the fifteen days over which the excitement of the Presidential election lasted the Rente rose fifteen francs-a rise unprecedented even on the easily-excited Exchange of Paris. This rise continued from day to day while the returns were being brought in, until the complete list showed the following results : Prince Louis Napoleon had a majority of three millions and a half of voters over all his antagonists combined, and of nearly four millions over General Cavaignac. Never had the Reds received so imposing a lesson. There were four Moderate candidates-viz. Prince Louis, Cavaignac, Lamartine, and Changarnier-and these polled nearly 1 These returns are exclusive of Algeria and Corsica. The entire returns were to have been carefully analysed and verified, but the work was never done. 2 Charles de Forster, in his Political Studies-Du Royaume à l'Empire, describes M. de Lamartine as the fallen angel of 1848, and dis- CHAP. V. |