book, which was published in 1899, and brought up to date. He says:

The Sultanate is hereditary under the Salic law. The Sultan is supported by three ministers, one of whom acts as regent in his absence (for he might have to go to Mecca, if he had not previously done so), the other is minister of war, and the third is minister of justice and master of the ceremonies.

Slavery exists in a most ample sense. There are slaves by birth and others by conquest, such as prisoners of war, insolvent debtors, and those seized by piratical expeditions to other islands. A creole friend of mine, Don A. M., was one of these last. He had commenced clearing an estate for cane growing on the Negros coast some years ago, when he was seized and carried off to Sulu Island. In a few years he was ransomed and returned to Negros, where he formed one of the finest sugar haciendas and factories in the colony.

I now read from Social History of the Races of Mankind, by Featherman:

Slavery exists on Sulu Island, and the slaves, who were formerly brought from the Philippines, are not well treated, for their masters exercise the power of life and death over them, and sometimes kill them for trifling offenses. The datos frequently punish a disobedient or fugitive slave by drawing their campilan or kris and cutting off his head at one stroke without process of law.

And this is the mild form of feudal homage Schurman would have us believe should enjoy the protection of our flag until we can persuade the slaveholders that it is wrong.

Why did Schurman make this statement? The reason is plain. He did it just before the elections-about the time the State Department gave out the Sulu copy of the treaty for the information of the people of the United States. I contend that after this statement, made at the time it was, made by Mr. Schurman with an evident purpose to deceive, he has forfeited all right to be believed by anybody hereafter, and that his statements on all subjects in relation to the Philippines are not worthy of credence.

I read also from St. John's Far East, volume 2, page 192, as follows:

The slaves are collected from all parts of the archipelago, from Acheen Head to New Guinea, and from the south of Siam to the most northern parts of the Philippines. It is a regular slave market.

Then he describes the people. Not only have the slaveholders the right of life and death over their slaves, but the monarch himself has complete and full right to take the life of any of his subjects whenever he so chooses. There is no restraint upon him. In Senate Document No. 62, Fifty-fifth Congress, third session, there is printed from the Contemporary Review of June, 1898, by Claes Ericsson, what I shall read upon this subject. It is a description of a visit by Mr. Ericsson to the subsultan of the island of Palawan in 1894. It appears he went there for the purpose of gathering orchids, and he thus describes his visit to the Sultan of Palawan :

The Sultan was not in state attire; at least there was no suggestion of the imperial yellow in his close-fitting white trousers and vest, slippers embroidered with seed pearls, and scarlet fez. The two attendant nobles were much more gaily clad. Both wore tight jackets of blue silk, decked with gold buttons, and trousers of salmon red, ornamentated with buttons of gold or gilt from the knee downward.

His Highness, who appeared to be about 50 years of age, had rather a pleasant expression, with a twinkle in his eye that reminded one of Arabi Pasha. A chair was brought, also vermouth and chocolate. With a cup of the last in my hand, I explained the purpose of my visit, which was to crave the Sultan's assistance in exploring Marangas Mountain. Smiling, he promised as many coolies as I needed, and I took my leave.

After visiting the mountains Mr. Ericsson returned for the purpose of securing another escort. He says:

Leaving men to collect the plants, I returned with the Sulus to the coast and embarked for Marangas. Wanting coolies for a journey to Dato Guah's village and an ascent of Panilingan Mountain, I paid the Sultan another visit; but the master of the ceremonies whispered that the moment was unfavorable. His highness was susa-that is, he had been vexed or troubled.

It

By means of discreet inquiries I learned the nature of his susa. is a rather common story in the far east. Unable to lodge the whole of his wives in the "palace," His Highness boarded a few of themnot the prettiest, I suspect-in the houses of his followers. One of these peris, an outcast from the Palawan paradise through want of

room, consoled herself in the usual way-quite innocently, I was assured. The news reaching the Sultan, he sent for the venturesome lover and smilingly bade him be seated opposite himself. Not being altogether an idiot, the man had come armed. From his sarong the jeweled handle of his kris protruded, plain to see. After a few complimentary commonplaces had been exchanged His Highness remarked the weapon.

"Allah has been good to you, S'Ali," said he. "Those emeralds are very fine, and the diamonds are as stars in the heavens. If the blade match the hilt, you have a treasure. Show it to me."

Thrown off his guard, S'Ali drew the kris from its sheath and, holding it by the wavy blade, presented it to the Sultan. Instantly half a dozen of His Highness's attendants threw themselves upon the unfortunate fellow. He was overpowered in a moment and his hands securely tied behind his back.

"Take him out," said the Sultan, still smiling.

S'Ali was led away and lowered to the ground. Not a word did he utter. It was kismet. Why waste his breath? I did not learn the manner of his end, but it would be either by kris or bowstring. Let us hope it was the first. In the hands of a skillful executioner the kris is a merciful weapon. He was buried in the jungle behind the Sultan's "palace." Such was the susa of Muhammad Harum Narrasid, Iang de per-Tuan-"he who ruleth"-in the year of our Lord 1894. And the Spaniards were supposed to govern the island of Palawan!

And so are we supposed to govern these islands, and Old Glory floats over the throne.

I could understand why the Sultan did not care to see a European so soon after his crime. However, I obtained the coolies and sent them on.

I do not care, Mr. President, to delve deeper into the character of those people. I simply desire to show what we have secured by this purchase. It has developed that we have bought about 6,000,000 Christian people who are members of the Catholic Church, occupying the northern islands of the Philippine Archipelago; that we have purchased from one to two hundred thousand Mohammedan slaveholders, polygamists, who live by prosecuting the slave trade against the native population of the southern islands of the group; that we have agreed to maintain this condition of affairs; and the treaty is so arranged that it goes into force without the legislative bodies of this Government having anything to say about it.

It seems to me, under these circumstances, that it is incumbent upon the Senate and upon the House of Representatives to take up this matter at once, and take such action upon it as will blot out the stain upon our flag placed there by the Administration.

E

CHAPTER XIV

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM

ARLY1 in the session, nearly a month ago, I introduced a resolution asking whether the vessels of our Navy, the officers of our Navy, had saluted the flag of the Philippine republic; whether two of our vessels accompanied a Filipino vessel to Subig Bay for the purpose of capturing a Spanish garrison, and whether after the surrender of that garrison we turned the prisoners over to Aguinaldo's forces. That resolution was tabled by the Senate without allowing me the privilege of speaking upon it. The facts contained in that resolution, in my opinion, were true. We made Aguinaldo and his forces our ally by saluting their flag and by accompanying them in the capture of a Spanish garrison, the prisoners of which were turned over to them.

I introduced the resolution in good faith. I was not sure then, but I feel sure now, that the facts contained in the resolution were true, and I wanted the record evidence. Information has come to my knowledge since-the statement of an officer who accompanied this expedition to Subig Bay—corroborating the facts contained in the resolution, and thus is disclosed the reason why the information was denied. The resolution was in the proper form; it was a proper question.

The storm of indignation on the part of the American people and many of the Republican newspapers throughout the country at the suppression of this resolution led to a change of tactics, and then I introduced the second resolution, asking if the insurgents, after fighting had commenced, did not send General Torres with a flag of truce and ask that fighting 1. Speech in the Senate January 17, 1900.