prevail of his personal independence, and of his having served the monarchy without being attached to the man. Of Baron Quinette * I know nothing; but, from the complexion of the other four members of the commission, especially of the Duke of Otranto, it is not to be imagined that Napoleon the Second will stand in the way of any arrangements for the good of the nation in this tremendous emergency. It is in the hopes of obtaining better terms that the chambers appear undecided in their choice of a monarch: but I have no doubt that, under the supposition either of resistance being possible, or of no conditions being granted to the present authorities, Napoleon the Second would have been proclaimed immediately upon his father's abdication. For my own part, as he was half proclaimed the following day, I am one of those who think that measure, and the nomination of a regency, would have answered every purpose, and would have enabled the chamber either to stand or fall with greater dignity. I am the more confirmed in this opi

* Quinette is a regicide. He was counsellor of state under Louis in 1814, and under Napoleon in 1815. Not remarkable for energy or talent, nor for any transaction, except being one of those Frenchmen who were confined four years in Austria, and liberated in 1797.- Note to the Second Edition.

nion from what I heard at the police, and from the declaration of the royalists, publicly pronounced, that all accommodation with the chambers will be rejected by Louis, whom they consider as already restored. I confess I should not have voted for Napoleon the Second to reward Napoleon the First, but in order to display to the allies the resolution of the representatives of the nation to be not only independent, but consistent and just in observing the conditions of that constitution, by which they were called to the exercise of their important functions. The chance of war has wrung from them their allegiance to Napoleon the First, but their next stand might be made with his son. Napoleon, in the treaty of Fontainbleau, abdicated for himself and family, and, to maintain the treaty of Paris, the allies renewed the war; but they have declared the removal of Napoleon to be their sole object: they have disclaimed all interference in the national choice after he should be dethroned, and, consequently, the treaty of Paris, of which Louis XVIII was a contracting party, is not, according to their pretences, to be entirely maintained. It cannot, therefore, be supposed that the choice of Napoleon the Second would be made a preliminary objection to all negotiation on the part of the allies. The nomina

tion of the five members of the executive commission, under the title of a regency, would have carried with it a character of greater dignity and decision than the recognition of the title of Napoleon the Second, as a motive for proceeding to the order of the day, which took place upon the proposition of M. Manuel, in the sitting of the next morning; and which showed the real inclinations of the assembly, at the same time that it bespoke the apprehension which had before commanded their caution, and their silence.

The chamber of representatives met at half past eleven on the 23d, and, after some discussion on the propriety of establishing a shorthand journal, M. Berenger proposed, in a speech in which he compared Napoleon to Marcus Aurelius and Titus, that the commission of government should be declared responsible collectively. To this M. Defermon objected, because Napoleon the Second had, he said, necessarily succeeded to his father, and that, by declaring this, the chamber would give a sanction to the rumours which had gone abroad to the national guard and the nation, hinting that the representatives waited for Louis XVIJI. -The whole assembly here rose, held up their hats, and exclaimed, No, no, Vive L' Em

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pereur!" with an enthusiasm which it was proposed to note in the procès verbal. M. Berenger replied, and M. Boulay de la Meurthe then took the opportunity of speaking decisively as to the necessity of making some explicit declaration of the succession of Napoleon the Second, by proclaiming him Emperor. He said he knew there was a party for the Duke of Or leans in the house, but this faction was purely royalist. M. Penières would have had this ques-tion deferred: but M. Regnault exclaimed,

What, shall we wait until Wellington is at "our gate?" The general Mouton Duvernet continued on the same side, saying, "The armies "will be at the disposal of the nation for the ser"vice of Napoleon the Second," when M. Flaugergues quickly interrupted him, "All the sol

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diers, the Emperor, you yourself, are in the "service of the nation."―The general continued to explain, and, when he sat down, was followed by M. Malleville, who proposed an adjournment until the reply of the allies should be known. M. Regnault, however, insisted upon the propriety of having some ostensible and positive. naine, "without which the army," said he, "will not know whom it obeys, under what "colours it fights, and for whom it sheds its "blood." Many voices exclaimed, "For the

"nation."

M. Regnault went on, but, coming to ask "in whose name shall our negotiators speak?" re-heard the same voices reply, "in "the name of the nation." He continued, and proposed, that all the public acts should be "promulgated in the name of Napoleon the "Second;" which proposal was loudly applauded, but did not prevent M. Dupin from objecting firmly to the choice of an infant (who could not be expected to do what his father had failed to accomplish), or from declaring the nation to be paramount. He said, "What have we to oppose "to the efforts of our enemies? the nation. It is "in the name of the nation that we shall fight, "that we shall negotiate; from the nation we 66 must wait the choice of a sovereign: the na"tion precedes every government, and survives " it." "( Why do you not propose a republic ?” exclaimed a voice. M. Dupin could not be heard in the tumult, but showed by his action that he repelled this insinuation; and it is worth while to remark, that, during these days of distress and division, no one has proposed the establishment of a republic, or, indeed, has declared in favour of any other government than a constitutional monarchy. A Mr. Bigonnet told the assembly that the allies were in arms to secure the treaty of 1814, by which Napoleon and

VOL. II.

I