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be recollected, must of necessity be far retired from navigable waters, and at a remote distance from any kind of market. Who then will be so far infatuated, and led blind-fold by a mistaken spirit of loyalty, as to accept such land from Government on the usual conditions, when he may purchase an equal quantity in the same advanced state of cultivation, for far less than that sum, on the banks of Lakes Erie, Ontario, and St. Clare ?

I shall therefore consider the emigrant of 1500l. to be settled on 500 acres in any part of the Province which he may select, with the quantity of stock, farming utensils and furniture already mentioned, at the expense of 6162. As 8847. of the 15007. yet remain, his prospects may be supposed to be decidedly favourable.

But if he will not attend to his own business, and sometimes put his own hands to the plough, he must have more labourers and other servants, than he can afford to pay. Properly to cultivate 100 acres of land, will require the constant labour of three men; the annual expence of whom, exclusive of their board, will be 907. For the support of his own family, his labourers, his oxen, his cows, and his sheep, 40 acres will be sufficient, if judiciously cultivated. There remains, therefore, the produce of 60 acres for the payment of his labourers, and for the procuring of clothing for his family, supposing that his wife is unwilling or unable to manufacture any. In the due cultivation of 60 acres of land, 40 acres may produce a yearly crop, which, if in a fertile part of the country, will amount to 25 bushels per acre. quantity, according to the present price of grain, which is two shillings and sixpence per bushel, will amount to 1251.; out of which 901. must go to pay for hired labour; so that, making no deductions whatever for the failure of crops, the wasting of grain, or other contingencies, only 351, are left for clothing a wife and six children.

This

If a person of this description therefore were, in addition to his labourers, to keep only one inside servant, whose wages would amount to 15., his whole farm would be found little more than sufficient for the support of his household establishment. The interest of his 8847., and the increase of his stock, would however be fully equal to meet all his necessary demands: So that, it may be said, that, with economy, frugality, and good success, he may live comfortably, without drawing on his banker for any thing beside the interest of his

money.

It may, perhaps, be considered, that 40 acres of land will produce more grain than

would suffice for the support of a family, consisting of eleven persons. Forty acres would certainly produce more grain than could be consumed by eleven persons; but how are horses, cows, and oxen to be fed through a tedious Winter of nearly six months' continuance? And how is pork to be fattened, in sufficient quantities for the consumption of so large a family? Ten acres of meadow-land will be scarcely sufficient to yield hay enough for a pair of horses, two yokes of oxen, half a dozen cows, and fifty sheep. Fifteen acres of pasturage will be no more than adequate to the sustenance of fifty sheep throughout the Summer, admitting that the cows and oxen find a subsistence in the forests; and five acres will scarcely yield oats enough to feed the horses. There remain therefore only ten acres for the maintenance of the family. If you will take the trouble of estimating the quantity of grain, hay, and pasturage, necessary for the support of such a stock, and the flour which a large family will annually consume, and compare the result of these calculations with the average produce of land in Canada, you will find my statements to be perfectly correct.

The conclusion of the whole matter is, that a respectable emigrant, on leaving England with 1,500l., may settle himself in Canada on an estate of 500 acres, support a large family comfortably, and die worth upwards of 8001. in specie, if he is not imprudent or exceedingly unfortunate.

We have thus laid before our readers the few facts concerning the Canadas and Emigration which we lumes of a writer, himself a denizen have been able to glean from the voof those countries, and an emigrator from Ireland. It is so difficult to obtain information of this kind, that we make no apology for selecting it from the worst-written book without any exception we ever read in our lives. A coxcomb or a tailor however is the right person to apply to for what we wish to know respecting dress; a ploughman, though ignorant as dirt," for what we would learn of his simple art; and in the same way an emigrator from these countries, and a denizen of Canada, may be good authority on such subjects as those alone upon which we have quoted Mr. Talbot. But for its utility in this point of view we should have resigned his work on "Canada" long since, as we do now,-to the trunk-maker.

66 as

THE LAND OF LOGRES.

ON speaking lately to a friend who is engaged in a laborious work relating to our national antiquities, about the right limits of the land of Logres, I found to my surprise that he had never before heard of such a place. Hence I am led to conclude that many others of my countrymen are equally unaware that, among the

names which have at different times

been given to this portion of the globe, that of Logres is one. Britain, Albion, England, are appellations familiar, it is to be hoped, the world over. But Logres is a stranger even at home. M. de Roquefort, who had to explain the word in his glossary of the Romance language, treats it thus: "According to Borel," says he, "it is a nation. I see none but the Locrians, 'Locri,' a people in Greece to whom this name can be applied." When the same gentleman was afterwards employed in editing certain old French poems, called the Lais de Marie, Logres again lay in his way, and though he had gained a little more light, yet it was scarcely sufficient to prevent his stumbling again at the same block. "The land, the country, the kingdom, the city of Logres, or Loengres, so often spoken of, made a part of Glamorganshire in the province of Wales." (Vol. i. p. 37.)

Now let us hear the account which a learned Welshman gives of the matter. Mr. Owen, in his dictionary of that language, under the word Lloeggr (which he derives from lloeg, to open or break out), defines it to be "that part of ancient Britain which was inherited by the Belgians, properly speaking; also England, south of the Humber, exclusive of Wales, Cornwall, and Devon, but now it is the popular name of England in neral ;-Loegria."

ge

This calls to my mind an awkward accident that befel me when I was yet a younker, following my father in a ride through North Wales. On a sign-post by the road-side (I think it was not far from Corwen), some wicked Dick Tinto of the land had shadowed forth the appearance of two doltish-looking heads, and under

neath them had inscribed in characters so plain, that he who ran might read the following distich: We three

Loggerheads be.

These words, as I was sauntering along on my horse, and in spite of all admonitions to the contrary, lagging some way behind, these words I unwittingly pronounced; and thus on the instant, according to the old Florentine's phrase,

1 was made third amid so learned a band, Si ch'io fui terzo tra cotanto senno.

I have since thought that the trap Briton to catch an unwary traveller was laid by some facetious Cambrofrom the land of Logres like myself, and that Loggerheads might mean "heads from Logres," or men from Logres, αμενηνὰ κάρηνα,

In vindicating to our country this its old and genuine title, I may be allowed to add one or two passages from our best writers who have made twice in the Faery Queen. use of it. Spenser has it at least

But Albanact had all the northern part, Which of himself Albania he did call; Which Severn now from Logris doth deAnd Camber did possess the western quart,

part.

Faery Queen, Book ii. c. 10. st. 14. And Twede the limit betwixt Logris land Book iv. c. 11, st. 36. And Albany.

Thus it appears that Logris, or Loegria, is the country bounded by Twede to the north, and Severn to the west. The writer of the Lais de Marie couples Logris and Albany together, as Spenser has done.

En Loengre et en Albanie.

Lai de Milon, p. 328, v. 7. Milton joins it with Lyones, where he speaks of

Fairy damsels met in forest wide
By knights of Logres or of Lyones,
Lancelot or Pelleas, or Pellenore.

Par. Reg. b. 2.

The same author, in his History of England, calls it Loëgria. "His three sons (the sons of Brutus), Locrine, Albanact, and Camber, divide the land by consent. Locrine had

the middle part, Loëgria; Camber possessed Cambria or Wales; Albanact, Albania, now Scotland. But he in the end by Humber, king of the Huns, who, with a fleet, invaded that land, was slain in fight, and his people driven back into Loëgria." (Book i. p. 20. Ed. 1677.) How full of interest is this first book of Milton's work to those readers who have any thing of what I should call a poetical patriotism! It comprises the best portion of our history, our heroic age. There were giants in those days. The records of our Saxon forefathers are, for the most part, confused, dull, and insipid. Since the Normans all is a mere matter of yesterday. The very names become such as one meets every day in the streets, and may read upon the shopwindows. The tinker, in Shakspeare, boasts himself of his Norman descent; "your Slys," says he, "came in with the Conqueror." But when we are told of our ancestors (if indeed any of their blood yet runs in our veins) who lived in the days of Heli the Priest, when we hear of Brute and Corineus, and Estrildis, and "the virgin daughter of Locrine," it is then that we feel ourselves to be somebody, and may, perhaps, have a pedigree worth the looking after. Yet it is on Milton's record of this æra that his

biographer Johnson has observed: "Why he should have given the first part which he seems not to believe, and which is universally rejected, it is difficult to conjecture." Let Milton be suffered to give his own reasons, and no reader need be at a loss to conjecture why he did not omit this part of our history. "Seeing that oftimes relations heretofore accounted fabulous have been after found to contain in them many footsteps and reliques of something true, as what we read in poets of the Flood, and giants little believed till undoubted witnesses taught us that all was not feigned; I have, therefore, determined to bestow the telling over even of these reputed tales; be it for nothing else but in favour of our English poets and rhetoricians, who by their art will know how to use them judiciously." (P. 7.) And again, when he has said why he passed rapidly over the story till the time of Brutus, he adds: "But now of Brutus and his line with the whole progeny of kings, we cannot so easily be discharged; descents of ancestry, long continued laws and exploits not plainly seeming to be borrowed or devised, which in the common belief have wrought no small impression; defended by many, denied utterly by few." (P. 11.)

ORIGINAL LETTER OF EVELYN'S.

(Giving an Account of a portion of his unpublished Work upon Gardens.) EVELYN, in his interesting and most entertaining Diary, gives a short account of a visit he paid to Sir Thomas Browne, at Norwich, in 1671, and mentions that he had long been in habits of correspondence with that physician, antiquary, and philosopher. It does not appear that any of their letters are preserved in the library at Wotton, but having accidentally met with an original epistle in Evelyn's own hand, and one which has never before been printed, we cannot but hope our readers will think it an acceptable illustration to Mr. Bray's valuable volumes. The pages to which it will be more peculiarly applicable are vol. i. p. 445, vol. ii. p. 90.

JOHN EVELYN, ESQ. TO SIR THOMAS BROWNE.

HONOUR'D SIR,—By the mediation of that noble person Mr. Paston, and an extraordinary humanity of your owne, I find I haue made acquisition of such a subsidiary, as nothing but his greate favour to me, and your communicable nature could have procur'd me. It is now therefore that I dare promise myselfe successe in my attem ɔt; and it is certaine, that I will very

justly owne your favours, with all due acknowledgements, as the most obliging of all my correspondents. I perceive you haue seene the proplasma and delineation of my designe, which, to avoyde the infinite copying for some of my curious friends, I was constrain'd to print, but it cannot be imagined that I should haue travell'd over so large a province (though but a garden) as yet, who set out not many moneths since, and can make it but my diversions at best, who haue so many other impediments besieging me, publique and personall, whereoff the long sicknesse of my unicus, my onely sonn, now 5 moneths afflicted with a dubble quartan, and but 5 yeares old, is not one of the least; so that there is no danger your additionalls and favours to your servant should be prevented by the perfection of my worke, or if it were, that I should be so injurious to my owne fame or your civility, as not to beginn all a new, that I might take in such auxilliaries as you send me, and which I must esteeme as my best and most effectuall forces. Sir, I returne you a thousand acknowledgements for the papers which you transmitted me, and I will render you this account of my present vndertaking. The truth is, that which imported me to discourse on this subject after this sorte, was the many defects which I encounter'd in bookes and in gardens, wherein neither words nor cost had bin wanting, but judgement very much; and though I cannot boast of my science in this kind, as both vnbecomming my yeares and my smale experience, yet I esteem'd it pardonable at least, if in doing my endeauour to rectifie some mistakes, and advancing so vsefull and innocent a divertisement, I made some essay, and cast in my symbole with the rest. To this designe, if forraine observation may conduce, I might likewise hope to refine upon some particulars, especially concerning the ornaments of gardens, which I shall endeavor so to handle, as that they may become usefull and practicable, as well as magnificent, and that persons of all conditions and faculties, which delight in gardens, may therein encounter something for their owne advantage. The modell, which I perceive you have seene, will aboundantly testifie my abhorrency of those painted and formal projections of our cockney gardens and plotts, which appeare like gardens of past-board and march-pane, and smell more of paynt then of flowers and verdure: our drift is a noble, princely, and vniversall Elysium, capable of all the amenities, that can naturally be introduced into gardens of pleasure, and such as may stand in competition with all the august designes and stories of this nature either of antient or moderne tymes; yet so as to become vsefull and significant to the least pretences and faculties. We will endeauour to shew how the aire and genious of gardens operat vpon humane spirits towards virtue and sanctitie, I meane in a remote, preparatory and instrumentall working. How caues, grotts, mounts and irregular ornaments of gardens do contribute to contemplatiue and philosophicall enthusiasme; how Elysium, Antrum, Nemus, Paradysus, Hortus, Lucus, &c. signifie all of them rem sacram et divinam; for these expedients do influence the soule and spirits of man, and prepare them for converse with good angells; besides which they contribute to the lesse abstracted pleasures, phylosophy naturall and longevitie: and I would have not onely the elogies and effigie of the antient and famous garden heroes, but a society of the Paradisi Cultores, persons of antient simplicity, Paradisean and Hortulan saints, to be a society of learned and ingenuous men, such as Dr. Browne, by whome we might hope to redeeme the tyme that has bin lost, in pursuing vulgar errours, and still propagating them, as so many bold men do yet presume to do. Were it to be hoped, inter hos armorum strepitus, and in so generall a catalysis of integrity, interruption of peace and propriety, the hortulane pleasure, these innocent pure and vsefull diversions might enjoy the least encouragement, whilst brutish and ambitious persons seeke themselues in the ruines of our miserable yet dearest country, quis talia fundo--?-But, Sir, I will not importune you with these matters, nor shall they be able to make me to desist from my designe, so long as you reanimate my languishings, and pardon my imperfections. I greately thanke you for your discourses, and the acoustic diagramme &c. I shall be a faithfull reporter of your favours to me. In my philosophico

1824.

Original Letter of Evelyn's.

medicall garden you can impart to me extraordinary assistances, as likewise
in my coronary chapter, and that of transmutations, c. i. lib. 3. Norwich is
a place, I understand, which is very much addicted to the flowry part; and
what indeede may I not promise my selfe from your ingenuity, science and
candor? And now to shew you how farr I am aduanced in my worke, though
I haue drawne it in loose sheetes almost euery chapter rudely, yet I cannot
say to haue finished any thing tollerably, farther then chapter xi. lib. 2. and
those which are so compleated are yet so written, that I can at pleasure
inserte whatsoeuer shall come to hand to obelize, correct, improve and
adorne it. That chapt. of the history of Gardens being the 7th of the last
booke, is in a manner finished by itselfe, and if it be not over tedious, I
thinke it will extreamely gratifie the reader: For I do comprehend them as
vniversally as the chapter will beare it, and yet am as particular in the
descriptions as is possible, because I not onely pretend them for pompous and
ostentative examples, but would render them usefull to our travellers which
shall goe abroad, and where I haue observed so many particularities, as,
If you permitt me to transcribe you an
happly, others descend not to.
imperfect summ of the heads, it is to let you see how farr we correspond (as
by your excellent papers I collect) and to engage your assistance in suppliing
my omissions; you will pardon the defects in the synchronismes, because
they are not yet exactly marshalled, and of my desultory scribbling.

CHAP. VII, LIB. 3.

Paradise, Elysian fields, Hesperides, Horti Adonidis, Alcinoi, Semyramis, Saloman's. The pensile gardens in Babylon, of Nebucodonosor, of Cyrus, the gardens of Panchaia, the Sabean in Arabia felix. The Egyptian gardens out of Athenæus, the Villa Laura That of Nysa neere Alexandria, the gardens of Adominus, the garden at Samos, Democritus' garden, Epicurus's at Athens, hortorum ille magister, as Pliny calls him.

described by Diodorus Siculus; Masinissa's, Lysander's, the garden of Laërtes, father of Ulysses, ex Homero. Theophrastus', Mithridates gardens; Alexandrus' gardens at Sydon, Hieron's Nautilus gardens out of Athenæus; the Indian king's garden out of Ælian; and many others, which are in my scattered adversaria, not yet inserted into this chapter.

Amongst the antient Romans.-Numa's garden, Tarquin's, Scipio Africanus's, Antoninus Pius's, Dioclesian's, Mæcenas', Martial's gardens; the Tarentine garden, Cicero's garden at Tusculum, Formia, Cuma; the Laurentine garden of Pliny junior, Cato at Sabinus, Ælius Spartianus' garden, the elder Gordian's, Horti Cassipedis, Drusi, Dolabella's garden, Galienus', Seneca's, Nero's, the Horti Lamiani, Agrippina's, the Esquiline, Pompey's, Luculla's most costly gardens, &c.

More moderne and at present.-Clement the 8th's garden; the Medicean, Mathæo's garden, Cardinal Pio's; Farnesian, Lodovisian, Burghesean, Aldobrandino's, Barberini's, the Belvedere, Montalta's, Bossius's, Justiniane's, the Quirinal gardens, Cornelius's, Mazarini's, &c.

In other Parts of Italy.-Ulmarini's at Vacenza, Count Giusti's at Verona, Mondragone, Frescati, D'Este's at Tivoli. The gardens of the Palazzo de Pitti in Florence; Poggio, Imperiale, Pratoline, Hieronymo del Negro's pensile garden in Genöa, principe d'Oria's garden, the Marquesi Devico's at Naples, the old gardens at Baiæ, Fred. Duke of Urbine's garden, the gardens at Pisa, at Padoä, at Capraroula, at St. Michael in Bosco, in Bolognia; the gardens about Lago di Como, Signior Sfondrati's, &c.

In Spaine. The incomparable garden of Aranxues, Garicius' garden at Toledo, &c. In France. Duke of Orleans at Paris, Luxemburg, Thuilleries, Palais Cardinal, Bellevus, Morines, Jard. Royal, &c.

In other Parts of France.-The garden of Froment, of Fontaine Beleau, of the Chasteau de Fresnes, Ruel, Richelieu, Couranet, Cauigny, Hubert, Depont in Champagne, the most sumptuous Rincy, Nanteuile, Maisons, Medon, Dampien, St. Germain en Lay, Rosny, St. Cloe, Liancourt in Picardy, Isslings at Essonne, Pidaux in Poictiers. At Anet, Valeri, Folembourg, Villiers, Gaillon, Montpellier, Beaugensor, of Mons. Piereskius. In Loraine, at Nancy, the Jesuites at Leige, and many others.

In Flanders.-The gardens of the Hofft in Bruxelles, Oroenendael's neere it, Risewick in Holland. The court at the Hague, the garden at Leyden, Pretor Hundius' garden at Amsterdam.

In Germany.-The Emperor's garden at Vienna, at Salisburgh; the medicinall at Heidelburg, Caterus' at Basil, Camerarius' garden of Horimburg, Scholtzius' at Vratislauia, at Bonne neere Collen, the elector's there: Christina's garden in Sweden made lately by Mollet; the garden at Cracovia, Warsovia, Grogning. The elector's garden at Heidel

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