The Prince Regent's Speech [60 curtailing their luxuries; but the next surely, under these circumstances, could quarter or two would speedily show a not expect that the produce of the taxes change. But did the Chancellor of the in future would rise to any thing like the Exchequer foresee all this at the time of old amount. Would his estimate of the the discussions on the Bullion question, stamps, for instance, which he gave last since his noble friend had declared that summer, still sustain itself? Upon the the bloated state of our currency wight whole, it appeared to him, that the best have been expected to shrink on the re- thing that could be done, would be to turn of peace? He conjectured that the appoint a committee similar to that of right hon. gentleman would now be ex- 1786, that might investigate, from the tremely glad, could he withdraw from the best sources, what may be the probable Journals that famous resolution of his, produce of the taxes, and to fix by that that there was no difference between a estimate the scale of our expenditure. guinea and a one pound note, since every He feared that the returns of the probable man and woman who read those journals, amount of the taxes, when given in to the and knew any thing of the matter, was House, would be most appalling. But now convinced that there was a real dif- the course which he now recommended ference. He was happy to understand was followed by the committee of 1786, that there was no idea of touching the just after the American war; and a simisinking fund. But the Chancellor of the lar system ought to be pursued now.. Exchequer should be the last man to Sir Gilbert Heathcote declared himself cheer this, or to take credit for it, as he rejoiced at the conclusion of peace, in the himself had already taken seven millions abstract, but confessed that his pleasure from that deposit. "If, however, the sink- was much abated, when he learned, from ing fund is to be held sacred, it may be public report, the conditions of the treaty fairly asked, what are you to do to make on which the present pacification was all ends meet? This was a question which founded. The conditions were, as he called for their whole attention ; at any understood them, so hostile to public rate, he trusted the House would not be liberty in general, so opposite to the prinforward in voting supplies, until they knew ciples of the British constitution, what was to be the utmost amount of our fraught with danger to the existence of establishments.

[Hear, hear! from lord the peace which had been restored, so reCastlereagh.] There should be no voting plete with the embers of future contiof sums piecemeal for this department and nental wars, that he could not but express the other department. The peace which his regret, that such conditions should the noble lord had concluded might be a have been acceded to by any of his Mavery fine one; but then, perhaps, after all jesty's ministers. It appeared as if, after we could not afford it. It was the fault of the battle of Waterloo, that every previous those who had so long postponed the promise had been violated by the Allies. meeting of parliament, that the immediate That battle placed in our power the great operation and consequent expenses of the individual, in opposition to whose authotreaty were now beyond their reach. rity the nations of Europe entered into a Never had a parliament met so late as the military combination. But, if they looked 1st of February, with all that multiplicity to the general_effect which it had on of business that was before the present, the affairs of Europe, perhaps not so business which it required all the temper much ground for exultation would apof that House to discuss with moderation pear, as many gentlemen seemed inclined and fairness. He did not see how it to suppose. He would not now enter would be possible to make the means of minutely into any subject of foreign pothe country meet its expenditure without licy ; his intention was rather to examine the most diligent investigation and re- the internal affairs of the country, the trenchment. We were desired to derive prospect of which appeared to him to be comfort from the large exports of our very gloomy indeed. Wherever their manufactures ; but whether that was a loss footsteps were directed, a general comor gain could not be ascertained until we plaint of the stagnation of trade, and of had known the returns. In the mean the scarcity of money, was heard. But, time, as his hon. and learned friend had whilst every one felt eager to propose some justly remarked, we had lost the home remedy, there was no person to be found market, and that was the most profitable who did not wish to shift the burthen from of all. The Chancellor of the Exchequer his own shoulders to those of his neigh

-ald

the the

bours. He should reserve to himself the ference in matters of such extreme delic
right, before the end of the present ses cacy. Peace had been restored—and he
sion, to enter into a full detail on this, and returned thanks to the Almighty for the
other subjects which, he conceived, the blessing; but, while the present military
extreme pressure of the times, would com- force was kept up, and while the present
pel ministers to bring under the consi- treaties, as described to him, were in exist-
deration of the House. He should sup- ence-he knew not any body in the coun-
port the amendment of his hon. friend, try that was likely to be much benefited
because it enforced on the minds of the by it. A paper had lately appeared in
hon. gentlemen opposite, and of the na- one of the public prints, purporting to be
tion at large, the necessity of doing some a supplemental letter, sent round by mi-
thing to ameliorate the political situation of nisters to their friends in parliament. He
the country. In his opinion, ministers had should like to know from some of the hon.
fallen into a very considerable dilemma, gentlemen opposite, whether the letter
with respect to the foreign policy of Great alluded to was an authentic document ?--
Britain. After the battle of Waterloo, it [A laugh from ministers]. He did not
would seem as if they were determined, care whether gentlemen chose to answer
although they had previously denied their his question or not; but that letter
being actuated by such a policy, to restore contained such extraordinary assertions,
the Bourbons, however unpopular they that he felt himself bound to notice them.
might be in France. Louis 18 was, in con- It was there stated, that ministers had paid
sequence of this determination, guarded the utmost attention to the agricultural
into Paris by the bayonets of foreign troops. interest—and that the state of distress in
The subsequent conduct of the allies ap- which that interest was said to be plunged,
peared to have created considerable ditti- was greatly exaggerated. Now, he be-
culties. For there were many Frenchmen lieved it was a well known fact, that, on
-men hostile to a Republican govern- an average, the lands of this country had
ment, and enemies to the power of Buo- been let on a calculation, that a quarter of
naparté-wbo were decidedly of opinion, wheat would produce five pounds. Let
that foreign troops ought not to be per- the House, keeping this fact in their
mitted to sojourn for any time, beyond that minds, examine the last market prices, and
which strict public necessity called for. see what that important article in the sub-
Now, no sooner was that country likely sistence of man, now produced. They
to be freed from the presence of the allied would find, that it did not fetch more than
forces, than Louis 18, who was seated on 48s. per quarter. Many of the members
the throne of France by the aid of foreign of that House were supported by the let-
arms, felt himself unsafe in Paris, and ap- ting of their lands. They must, there-
peared to be anxiously desirous for the fore, have been deprived of half their in-
return of those troops, whose appearance comes, when wheat, instead of five pounds,
in the French capital must ever render the was sold for 48s. per quarter. Every per-
Bourbon dynasty odious in the eyes of son employed in agricultural pursuits, was
the people of France. Formerly a vulgar thus deprived of a moiety of that sum, on
notion was entertained, that, when a great, which they had counted. And where
bold, and inveterate enemy, was involved lands were rented, if the tenants, in con-
in difficulties, it was proper for the suc- sequence of this depression of price, could
cessful rival to oppress him as much as not pay the stipulated sum, the landlord
possible. Such a feeling did not prevail must suffer. The distresses of the agri-
in his mind. He did not wish to see cultural interest exaggerated ! Could such
France a prey to anarchy and confusion. an assertion be supported, in the face of

too much a friend to the happi- the fact he had stated ? Surely the dis-
ness of mankind to harbour such a wish. tresses of that class who lost one-half of
He would, therefore, ask, wherefore should what they had to subsist on could not be
this country interfere with the affairs of depicted in colours too gloomy! Those
France-an interference which was calcu- who were deprived of half their salaries
lated to produce those dissensions and might well be said to be deeply distressed !
angry feelings, that ought, if possible, to If the hon. gentlemen opposite were de-
be prevented ? It was better, he thought, prived of half the salaries they now re-
to suffer the people of that country to ceived, for attending to the affairs of the
settle their political affairs amongst them country, he was sure some very long faces
selves, and to abstain entirely from inter- would be exhibited on the treasury-bench.

He was

The hop. baronet concluded by expressing should, and for two reasons-first, because his hearty concurrence in the Amendment. he wished to separate the question of

Mr. Elliot said, that if the question was maintaining a standing army from the exto come to a division, he wished to state pediency of keeping up some force, as it the grounds of bis vote. With respect to was the

manner, and not the expediency the late meeting of parliament, he thought of the measure, to which he objecied; and it matter of grave consideration, and that secondly, because he wished to take the it ought rather to be made a distinct sense of the House upon the propriety of and separate proposition, especially in the the proroguing parliament for so long a want of more precise information. With period, pending such important negocia. regard to economy, no man in the House, tions. or in the country, felt the necessity of it more than himself; but having declared HOUSE OF COMMONS. his sentiments on the war so distinctly, he should be sorry to find himself included in

Friday, February 2. a vote, which might preclude him from Mr. Brougham gave notice, that on following up that measure by every means Thursday next he should move an Adthat could contribute to its full accom

dress to the Prince Regent on the subject plishment, and which was only to be re- of certain recent transactions in Spain.tarded by matters of the most imperious Sir S. Romilly gave notice, that on Wedand absolute necessity; and he should be nesday next he should move for leave to the more sorry, as the war for which he bring in a Bill to render Freehold Estates had voted had been brought to so glorious liable for the payment of Simple Contract a termination.

Debts.-Mr. 'Bennet observing a right The House then divided upon the hon. gentleman in his place, wished to ask Amendment, when the numbers were, him if any steps had been taken to carry Yeas, 23; Noes, 90: Majority for the into execution the recommendation conAddress, 67. No division being expected, tained in a report of a committee of the many of the ministerial and opposition House of last session, relative to the three members had left the House when the prisons of the King's Bench, Marshalsea question was called for. Mr. Brand who and Fleet?-Mr. Addington answered, moved, and lord John Russell who se that a copy of the Report had been transconded the Amendment, were neither in mitted to the Chief Justice of the court the division. The following is a

of King's Bench, and was at present under List of the Minority.

his consideration. With respect to the

two other prisons, the Prince Regent had Atherley, A. Maitland, hon. M.

thought proper to adopt the suggestions Burrell, hon. P.

Preston, R. Burdett, sir F.

of the committee, and commissioners had Piggott, sir A. Cavendish, hon. H. Romilly, sir S.

been accordingly appointed. This was Cavendish, hon. C. Rancliffe, lord

all that he knew relative to this subject. Ebrington, lord Smith, J.

Mr. Bennet wished to know why an exHeron, sir R. Tavistock, marquis

ception had been made in the case of the Gordon, Rt.

Tierney, rt. hon. G. King's Bench prison ?-Mr. Addington Horner, F.

Townshend, lord J. said, he believed that an option was left Hanbury, W. Wilkins, Peter Lambton, John G.

either to transmit the Report to the Judges Martin, H.

or to appoint commissioners to investigate Bennet, hon. H. G. Moore, P. Heathcote, sir G.

the subject. --Mr. Grenfell gave notice,

tliat on Tuesday se'nnight he should subLord Nugent then gave notice, that on mit a motion to the House relative to the Wednesday week, he should submit a re- subsisting engagements between the Bank solution to the House respecting the con. of England and the public. stitutional character of maintaining a standing army, and proroguing parliament to PROPERTY Tax.] Mr. Baring wished an unusual period. Lord Castlereagh in- to put some questions to the right hou. quired, whether the noble lord meant to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on a press his motion at all events, before mi- subject which now considerably agitated nisters had communicated the Treaties to the publie mind; he meant the Propertyparliament, and in the consequent diseus tax. His first question would be, whether sion opened the grounds upon which they it was the intention of the right hon. genwere concluded. Lord Nugent said he tleman simply to propose the renewal of

TELLERS.

a

the Property tax to the amount of five per ditor as for the public itself. The act of cent. with only some few modifications in 1813 was founded upon this principle; the Act; or whether it was his intention but there was no provision of it which was entirely to remove those inquisitorial applicable to a state of peace. He was powers, which had been the subject of sure the hon. gentleman could not expect such great complaints ? Secondly, he wish him to give any pledge with respect to the ed to know, whether his object in pro- future conduct of Parliament on the sub. posing the renewal of this Tax was merely ject; but he wished to disclaim, for his for a temporary purpose of reducing the own part, any intention of touching the national debt, or whether he looked to it sinking-fund, in a manner which could as a permanent source of revenue? And affeet the public credit. as it had been stated pretty broadly that Mr. Baring wished to know whether, in no case should the sinking-fund be while be allowed the whole of the sinking touched, he wished to know whether the fund to go to the reduction of the national whole of this fund was to be kept opera- debt, the right bon. gentleman had any tive for the complete reduction of the na intention of adding to this debt by pro. tional debt, or whether a part of it might posing a loan? not still be touched in the way of a loan. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer ad- that he could not answer a question which mitted that these questions had been put must depend upon so many circumstances. to him in a very clear and candid manner. He certainly did not mean to preclude It was his wish to conceal nothing from himself from loans on the principle of the the House with respect to this subject. Act of 1813, if such loans should be ne. The measure he intended to propose cessary for the service of the country. would be founded on the basis of the pre- Mr. Brougham wished to know whether, sent act; but it was not his intention to in the income tax that was to be proposed, propose the renewal of all its provisions, any relief would be given to the present and he meant to propose some modifica- pressure on the cultivators of lands? He tions. The object of those modifications also wished to know whether the tax on would be to remove a part of the pressure leather, and upon horses used in agriculfrom some classes of society, but by no ture, would be taken off? means to exempt any class of the commu. The Chancellor of the E. cheyuer said, nity from contributing its fair proportion that it was impossible for him, at this As to the duration of the tax, he should early period of the session, to answer propose it, not as a permanent tax, but as those questions. The attention of Parliaa continuation of a war tax for a certain ment would certainly be called to the time. He should propose the continu- present state of the agricultural interest. ance of it for two or three years, when it Mr. W. Smith gave notice, that on an would be again open to the wisdom of early day, he should call the attention of . Parliament to dispose of it as they should the House to the practice in the Court think proper. The question of its pro- Exchequer of granting extents in aid of bable duration appeared to be now prema- any person who, by his affidavit, declared ture, and it was a question upon which he himself to be a debtor of the Crown. It had by no means made up his own mind. was not his object to interfere with exAs to the sinking.fund, it was his wish tents really issued to recover debts due to that, for the present year, the whole of the Crown ; but it was to prevent the the sinking-fund should be left in full abuse of private debts being recovered in operation for the reduction of the national this manner, without the regular forms of debt. He wished it to be entirely appro- law. priated to this purpose, as long as the public credit required this support. It The Prince Regent's Speech ON was upon the faith of the Act of 1792 that OPENING THE Session.] Mr Methuen by far the greater part of the present pub- brought up the report of the Address on lic debt was contracted. On the faith of the Prince Regent's Speech, which was this Act the subscribers had lent their mo- read a first time. On the question of its ney, and Parliament had guaranteed it in second reading, accepting the loans. He thought, there- Mr. Baring said, he could not avoid fore, that that Act could not be departed expressing his regret that the Address did from, except upon grounds which were not contain any expression of regret, on equally for the interest of the public cre the part of the House, that parliament '(VOL. XXXII.)

(F)

It was,

had not been sooner assembled. An ear- | not at the option of individuals to make lier meeting of parliament was necessary, an immediate retrenchment. It was not both on account of the foreign negociations sufficient to get rid of their carriages, that were pending, and on account of the horses, and so forth ; but they were reunexampled distress which had fallen upon quired by the act to give a certain noindividuals. Yet it was in times of unex- tice of their intention of putting down ampled distress that ministers had resolved those things, before they could relieve upon a prorogation of unexampled length. themselves from the tax.- There was anoAlthough this distress fell most heavily ther part of the Address in which he could upon the agricultural interests, yet there not agree, and that was, the warm congrawas no department of commerce with tulation respecting the island of Ceyloo. which he was acquainted, that did not also When the war with the king of Candy was feel an unusual pressure. The Address finished there was almost as great a parade spoke of the prosperous state of our com- made about this victory as that of Waterloo. merce, manufactures, and trade. He was A great many captured colours were sent sorry, however, to say that he believed the over, all made of the best silk, and just as very contrary to be the fact. Although, pretty playthings as the trophies of the on the part of the agricultural interests, celebrated field of Waterloo. the distress was greatest, and indeed ex- however, a little extraordinary, tliat at a treme, yet distress had also pervaded every time when so much had been said of this branch of commerce. He did not state country being the rallying point of legitithis by way of imputing any blame to mi- mate governments, this point of legitimacy nisters, as if they had caused thre distress, did not appear to be much attended to in or could have helped it ; but he thought the island of Ceylon. The title of king of that, in such a state of things, they were Candy would probably be added to that most reprehensible for not having assem- of “defender of the faith," and those other bled parliament sooner. By the declara- brilliant titles which adorn our crown: and tion from the throne, however, it would yet, in taking this brilliant title, there appear as if we were in the most comfort- would be some departure from the boasted able state imaginable. As to calculating principle of legitimacy. In general Brownthe prosperity of our trade from the in. rigg's proclamation, after mentioning the crease of exports in the last year, it was long name and titles of his Candian Ma. well known that the reason of ihat increase jesty (which he would not now venture was, that the trade with America having to repeat), the general says, that “having been long stopped by the war there was been in the habitual violation of the most an unusual export to that country the year sacred duties of a sovereign, he was thereafter its termination. He believed, how- by declared to be fallen and deposed from ever, that instead of reckoning this great the office of a king.” He might congraexport to America as a proof of the pros tulate ministers on having so good a whig perity of our commerce, it would be found governor in Ceylon. He found no fault that there had been more loss than gain with these expressions, although they in this great increase of export. As to were a little at variance with the doctrine the favourable predictions of the right hon. of legitimacy that was now so much cried gentleman with respect to our financial up. As to the term “the office of king," prospects, he should be sincerely rejoiced perhaps general Brownrigg might have to find those predictions realized. If they subjected himself to some slight reprimand, were realized, this country would indeed for using so coarse and unceremonious a present a most extraordinary phenomenon phrase applied to that high station. How. of a country impoverished in all its re- ever, not only the king of Candy was desources, and yet consuming the same posed, but all his relations in the ascendquantity of exciseable articles as when the ing, descending, and collateral line were different classes of the community were in cut off for ever from the succession. He circumstances more affluent. If the re. did not doubt but that this king of Candy duction of revenue bad not immediately had committed many enormities for which taken place, he attributed it, in a great he deserved to lose his throne : but he bemeasure, to the circumstance that people lieved that there was another king who could not immediately limit their con- had committed quite as great enormities, sumption and customary wants, although and whom we were at great trouble in they knew their circumstances to be im- setting upon a throne. The question of paired. As lo the assessed taxes, it was our conduct in the dethroping this king,