......... 40

army had been disbanded at the request Earl Bathurst denied that lie had made and solicitation of the allies : who would such an imputation. not sign the treaty of peace until they were The Marquis of Buckingham rejoiced so disbavded, and who previously went the at the restoration of the Bourbons, belength of declaring, that unless they were cause he felt that France and the rest of voluntarily disbanded by the French go- Europe had a better chance of tranquillity vernment, they (the allies) would break under their reign, than under that of Buothe convention and disperse them by force naparté. He must at the same time obof arms. Having been the means of their ject to the system of retaining and exbeing disbanded, the question was, whe-changing fortresses, which we had adopted, ther we were to leave the king of France as he thought it more likely to prolong exposed, without any protection, to all than suppress jealousies that ought to be the dangers of which we had been the appeased. He would also enter his pro. cause ? Was it because the French army test against the maintenance of a standing was disbanded that the very next day army in time of peace, and against that they would not, but for the presence of military system which was about to be superior strength, have had the means of cherished in this country. assembling again in force? Was the king The Marquis of Ormond supported the of France to be left defenceless amidst a address. body of troops irritated by his treatment The House divided : of them? Or was it to be held as a proof For the amendment that the people of France were inimical to Against it

.......104 the king, that a disbanded army was dis

Majority -64 satisfied with him? The noble baron had

The original address was then agreed proceeded to argue, that in the existing to, and their lordships adjourned at half chamber of deputies he did not conceive

past two o'clock. that the people of France were fairly represented. This was a similar argument PROTEST of Lord HOLLAND AGAINST to that which had been so frequently the ADDRESS IN APPROBATION OF THE urged in this country. It was the com- Treaties.] The following protest was mon language and the consolation of the entered on the journals by lord Holland : noble lords opposite, and those who thought with them in another place, that

“ Dissentient, they were the only persons who spoke the

“ Because the treaties and engagements sense of the people. The statement of contain a direct guaranty of the present his noble friend on this subject had been government of France against the people perverted. He had never said that a con- of that country; and in my judgment siderable number of members of the as- imply a general and perpetual guaranty of sembly had been added, for the purpose all European governments against the goof creating a majority in favour of the verned. I hold such a design to be unpresent government of France. What lawful, I believe it to be impracticable ; his noble friend had stated was, that a and, recollecting the principles on which tenth in number had been added, but that the Revolution of 1688 and the succesa greater number, to the amount of two-sion of the House of Hanover were thirds, had voted than were accustomed founded, I cannot give the sanction of my to do so under the former government.- vote to a system which, if it had prevailed

The noble earl concluded, by enforcing in those times, might have deprived this the fallacy of the observations which had kingdom of all the benefits that have rebeen made on the charges attendant on

sulted from a national government and a our colonial possessions, contending, that free constitution. in most cases those charges were directly (Signed) “ VASSAL HOLLAND." defrayed, and that where they were not so, the indirect advantages which this coun

HOUSE OF COMMONS. try derived from the extension of her commerce and manufacturers amply compen

Monday, February 19. sated for the expense.

Clerk OF THE Pleas in IRELAND.] Lord Holland, in explanation, disclaim Mr. Brougham wished to know whether ed the approbation of revolutionary prin- there was any truth in the report, that the ciples, and the excesses committed in their son of the chief baron of the court of ex

chequer in Ireland, had already been

a

sworn into the office of chief clerk of that fied. Under these circumstances, it was court, by his father?

necessary that every part of the peace Mr. Peel had no objection to state, that establishment should be scrupulously exahe had reason to believe that the chief mined. With a view to this object, the baron had so sworn in his son.

hon. gentleman moved, for “ An account Mr. Brougham could not avoid express- of all offices, civil and military, under the ing his feelings with which he thought every influence of the Crown, in the island of person must be impressed-on being ap- Malta, the Ionian Islands, the Isle of prized of this fact. The House, he France, the islands of St. Lucia, Tobago, thought, must feel the propriety of taking &c. and the emoluments connected with some step to mark their sense of this extra- the same; also for an account of all places, ordinary proceeding on the part of the the appointment to which was vested chief baron-of a common law judge.

otherwise than in the Crown, together Mr. Peel said, there could be no doubt with the salaries thereof."-Agreed to. that the House had a right to regulate the office, in any manner they might think PROPERTY Tax.] Mr. Baring rea proper. With respect to the delay that quested to know, whether there was any had taken place in proposing any measure, truth in the report circulated in the course it was occasioned by a wish to ascertain of the morning, that it was the intention what the legal fees of the office were. of the chancellor of the exchequer to Before this was fully known, it was not withdraw his measure respecting the repossible to bring forward any plan for renewal of the property tax. gulating the situation.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, Mr. Brougham said, that no man could that this was the first time the report had feel more strongly than he did, the neces- reached his ears, and that it was totally sity of delay for the purpose mentioned without foundation. by the right hon. gentleman. He merely Mr. Brougham moved, “That there be rose to express his astonishment at the laid before this House, an account of the very extraordinary conduct of the chief number of persons in the city of London baron--at the extreme readiness which he assessed to the income tax, and the numdisplayed to fill up this office, before any ber of surcharges and assessments, distin. regulation of it had taken place, and abso- guishing those for the year ending the lutely swearing in his son, without any 5th of April 1815, and those for the tbree previous notice whatever.

quarters ending the 5th of January 1816,

the number of appeals, and the number Accounts OF OFFICES IN THE Colo- of such appeals as have been successful.” NIES.] Mr. Lambton said, it would be in The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought the recollection of the House, that a right it an objection, that the motion did not hon. friend of his (Mr. Tierney) had on a distinguish the different shapes of the former night impressed on the House the property tax. Most of the appeals for necessity of economy in every department, 1815 were not yet decided, and therefore without which it would be impossible for could not be returned. Those up to the the country to proceed. Some doubts 5th of April last, however, might be prowere then expressed, whether his Ma- duced, but perhaps they would not answer jesty's ministers attended sufficiently to the object of the learned gentleman. this principle, and the consequence was, Mr. Brougham was aware that those that an hon. gentleman opposite expressed difficulties existed, and had framed his great indignation at the suspicion which motion accordingly. He only wished to was thus thrown out. He was of opinion, know how many appeals had been sucthat this suspicion was justly founded. cessful or had failed. Those that were The House and the country must bear not yet decided would of course not be in mind the expressions relative to eco- returned. He had so couched his motion nomy, which were contained in the speech as to render compliance with its request from the throne. Ministers, with the easy. He had not confined it to persons word “economy" in their mouths, but subject to the property tax for commercial with extravagance in their hearts, had income, but to all descriptions of revenue. placed a falsehood in the speech of the The Chancellor of the E.tchequer obPriace Regent. They had put a pledge served, that he had applied it to the inof economy in his royal highness's mouth, come tax solely, while he seemed to wish which they afterwards deliberately falsi- to embrace the property tax.

个

Mr. Brougham said, that he meant the able parliament to pronounce a satisfactory union of those two taxes. He had chosen and conclusive opinion. He should, therethe name as more descriptive of the whole, fore, endeavour to place the question be as it was, in fact, a tax upon income, and fore them, with those bearings, and with not a property tax.

those explanations, which would be best The motion was then agreed to. calculated to accomplish that object; and

he hoped, if he should omit any material ADDRESS UPON THE TREATIES with point, he would be permitted to correct Foreign Powers.] The order of the such error during the discussion, and to day being read,

enter into such further explanations as Lord Castlereagh rose, and observed, might be necessary in support of what he that if the information contained in the had to bring forward. treaties which his royal highness the Having thus stated those general prinPrince Regent had ordered to be laid be- ciples, his next wish was, at the outset to fore that House was of a less complicated narrow as much as possible the scope and and extensive nature, and if the peace tendency of the particular vote which he which had attracted the attention of par- should call upon the House that night to liament and the world had been less bound adopt. An hon. and learned gentleman up and mixed with other treaties and ne- had asked on a former night, in what view gociations, it would have been his wish it was intended by his Majesty's ministers on that, as on other occasions, to leave to to take the sense of parliament upon those some other member of the House the negociations and treaties, and he then task of moving an address to the throne stated what were the intentions of minisupon the subject of them. He thought, ters. Conformably to those intentions, however, that he should best consult the he should include in the scope of the vote course of his public duty, and the course that night, not only the course of arrangewhich would be most acceptable to the ments which took place at the Congress House, if, under the peculiar state of those of Vienna, but also the whole course of multifarious transactions, he took upon

measures which led to the commencehimself the task of submitting the ques- ment, the prosecution, and the conclusion tion, in such a way as would be best cal- of the war, as well as the subsequent neculated to bring it under the view of par- gociations of Paris. Though, however, liament. There were certainly many the treaty of congress would thus be inpoints of view in which those transactions cluded in the vote, it would not prevent might be considered ; and he apprehended parliament from entering upon a separate it would be equally unsatisfactory to any and exclusive consideration of that great individual, or to parliament generally, to measure. He had no wish to abridge or offer any opinion upon them, without re- narrow the discussions upon that subject, ceiving from some responsible member certainly, if this country and Europe of the government, a statement of those had never had the misfortune of being various arguments and grounds upon which involved in the war excited last year by the ministers of this country had advised the usurpation of Buonaparté, he should his royal highness to adopt that line of not have conceived himself called upon, policy which had been pursued. That according to his conception of his duty, was the exclusive principle which induced to submit any motion to parliament rehim, on the present occasion, to open the specting the negociations at Vienna. discussion upon the treaties before the Whatever degree of merit or demerit House; and he trusted that he should re- attached to the proceedings of that conceive their indulgence in the prosecution gress in the opinion of others, he, for his of his task. It certainly was his anxious own part, should always be disposed to

. wish to occupy as small a portion of their consider them as wise and salutary mea. time as might be compatible with a full sures, taken in pursuance of the treaty and distinct elucidation of the complicated concluded at Paris in May, 1814. In the subjects which they had to consider ; but general course of parliamentary practice, he was sure he should very ill consult it never, he believed, occurred, that gothe discharge of his duty to that House, vernment having submitted to parliament and to the country, if he were to sacrifice a preliminary arrangement, and parlia. it to their convenience, by abstaining ment having pronounced a favourable from that ample and complete survey of decision, they afterwards took the sense the whole matter, which alone could en-of parliament again upon any definitive (VOL. XXXII.)

(2 X)

engagements which grew out of those year, it would not be expected that, by preliminary ones. As an instance, he so doing, they should be bound to apwould remind the House of what took prove of all that was done at Vienna. place at the peace of Amiens in !801. But, in a complicated and extensive ques- . The preliminary treaty was submitted to tion like the present, it was necessary to parliament, and approved of; and lord start from some great and distinguished Cornwallis negociated the definitive treaty point, and none was so obvious and so upon its basis.

The then chancellor of natural as the Congress at Vienna, which the exchequer, now lord Sidmouth, laid might be considered as an arrangethat definitive treaty upon the table of the ment in which all the powers of Europe House, but observed, that as it was only had unanimously concurred, and as one the conclusion of those stipulations recog upon which the present system of Euro

. nised in the preliminary one, to which pean affairs was established. He was sure the concurrence of parliament had been the House would feel upon this, as upon already expressed, he did not mean to all great transactions, the necessity of take the sense of the House upon it. fixing upon some acknowledged basis as Afterwards, indeed, Mr. Windham, for the ground work of general proceedings.

reasons which he stated brought that defi. In former times it was usual, when connitive treaty under the consideration of cluding any particular treaty, to recite the House, in reference to some particu- the provisions of former treaties, such as lar provisions contained in it. He only that of Westphalia, Utrecht, Aix-la-Chameant, by citing that example, to show pelle, or the treaty of Paris in 1769. The that it was not the customary practice to call congress at Vienna was now the great the attention of parliament to any definitive point of diplomatic reference; and he arrangements, concluded merely in execu- wished, in the largest sense of the word, tion of preliminary ones, already sanc- to leave the House perfectly free in their tioned by its approbation. He, therefore, judgment upon that measure. It could wished to have it distinctly understood, not, however, be expected, that any other that the proceedings of the congress at basis should have been adopted for the Vienna were only a definitive arrange- negociations at Paris last year, than that ment of the treaty of peace concluded at of the congress ; for even those who might Paris in May, 1814.

not wholly approve of all that was done at The House would permit him to ob- that congress, would scarcely desire that serve, that in not taking its sense as to the we should have re-negociated at Paris, all measures adopted by the congress, he that was settled at Vienna. did not wish to embarrass its indepen- Having made these preliminary obserdence, or to consider any honourable vations, he should next wish to direct the member as pledged to give to the treaty attention of the House, before entering of Vienna any countenance or approba- upon the general consideration of the tion beyond what it might be supposed whole subject, to that course of policy to deserve as completing the arrange which had guided the councils of the ments comprehended in the treaty of May, Prince Regent both with regard to the 1814. The House would recollect, that military and pecuniary transactions of the the same technical distinction was ob- preceding year. He meant in a diploserved upon the renewal of the war in matic sense alone, for he was quite satisMarch, 1815. When they were called fied, that no difference of opinion, existed upon to support that war, it was not as to the military glory resulting from the understood that by so doing they sup- confederacy, or the eminent success which ported any of the principles developed in attended all its operations. He conceived the congress, or that by voting for the that his Majesty's government owed to address which was carried to the foot of the House some explanation of the system the throne on that occasion, they neces- of policy upon which it had acted. From sarily stood bound to approve of the treaty the very nature of the war, and the chaof congress. That subject was still left racter of the enemy with whom they had open to be examined, in any way parlia- to contend, the contest was one of that ment might think fit. In like manner, description in which all restricted efforts though the House would be called upon would have been equally unwise, whether to express an opinion upon the general with respect to a sound policy or 'to ecoscope of the negociations, which termi- nomy. Many honourable gentlemen had nated with those concluded at Paris last formed an erroneous opinion of that con

+

test, as if the mass of the French nation | dily made an offer of her assistance to the were embarked in the cause of Buona full extent of her means.

With respect parté; but though that view was erro- to the amount of subsidies which had neous, one general and unanimous feeling been paid, he trusted government had pervaded Europe, that it would prove one pursued that course of policy which essenof the most arduous contests in which the tially contributed to the consolidation of alliance had ever engaged. Whatever that vast force which was arrayed against doubts existed as to the desperate cha- France. The general mass of the subsidies racter of the struggle, they only consti- paid to the four great powers, as well as tuted an additional reason why the go-to those who afterwards acceded to the vernment, in any arrangements it might alliance, amounted originally to five milmake for carrying on the war, should lions. We, on our part, stipulated to bring make them upon the largest and most into the field 150,000 men, or to pay an comprehensive scale. The country cer- equivalent in money equal to the amount tainly was not in a condition to be able to of force not actually supplied. During afford the expenses of a protracted war, the course of the war, we have kept up, and therefore it became the wish of go- including the Hanoverians, and the corps vernment to make the confederacy as in Italy and Flanders, between eighty and comprehensive as possible, not only with ninety thousand men, so that we had to respect to the powers included in it, but pay, in money, for a proportion of troops as to the efforts which each was likely to amounting to about sixty thousand men. bring into the field. With that view of | The powers of Europe were agreed in the contest, it would have been most opinion, that that sum had better be emunwise to have starved it in any of its ployed towards the general system of parts, or to have abstained from throwing alliance, by subsidizing all the minor into the alliance all that vigour and energy powers. The king of the Netherlands of exertion, which the liberality of the received no subsidy, for reasons which House had enabled ministers to produce. were sufficiently obvious, nor did the troops

, . The House would see upon examining of Switzerland receive any, because they the great mass of treaties before it, the were not actively employed against France. extent to which all Europe combined. The general rate of subsidy was upon the With the exception of Sweden, who was calculation of eleven pounds two shillings by no means indisposed to unite with the

per man.

The fourth of the whole subother powers, but who was prevented sidies was saved, and the gross amount of from so doing by motives of economy, i them did not exceed six millions. which the other members of the alliance The House had seen what was the allowed to be a sufficient ground of ex- effect of that policy. It had contributed emption, there was not a single power to unite and consolidate a confederacy so on the East of France who was not com- immense, that no extent of disaster could prehended in the general league. On the have altered the ultimate issue of the other side of France, also, although Por- campaign, though certainly it might have tugal was prevented from immediately been protracted. Even if the battle of joining in alliance, on account of the disa Waterloo had been as fatal and disastrous tance of the Prince Regent from his do- to the allied troops, as it proved to the minions, there was no power except Spain army of France, yet the means which who was not bound up in that confederacy. were brought into active operation were The reason why the name of that power so prodigious and so powerful, that the was not found affixed to the treaty of final result of the contest would unquesthe 25th of March (respecting which a tionably have been the same.

It was a question had been asked by an hon. mem- general impression felt by every member ber on a preceding evening) was, because of the alliance, that no delay should take she objected to the form of that instru. place which might be avoided. Delay ment, and from a point of etiquette. Not would have given to the character of the being one of the four principal powers war a feature of aggravation and difficulty, who signed the Declaration of the i3th of which was most anxiously to be depreMarch, she declined, from a digoity of cated. It was in fact, of the last imporfeeling, which perhaps ought not to have tance, not only that the success should be operated at tliat moment, to become an early, and that it should be decisive, but acceding party to the treaty of the 25th of that Europe in the prosecution of that March. But; at the same time, she rea- great cause, which was the cause of