1865.] DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON. 267 of labour which at his age seemed almost miraculous. Except when prevented by the gout, or kept away by other business, he was almost always in his place in the House of Commons from the commencement to the close even of its most protracted sittings, and affording an example of assiduity and attention to business which few of the youngest members imitated. During the autumn of this year he had shown some symptoms of failing health, but they were not of a nature to cause serious uneasiness. On Thursday, October 19th, he was confined to his bed by what seemed a slight cold, caught through riding imprudently in an open carriage without an overcoat. On the Monday following it was rumoured that his indisposition had taken a serious turn; but the report was promptly contradicted. Next day a bulletin was issued, stating that he was improving steadily; but in the afternoon of the same day it was announced that he had become worse; and on the following morning that he was gradually sinking; about eleven o'clock he expired. As he died during the recess, there was, of course, no opportunity afforded for a notice of his death by the legislature at the time when it occurred; but the public press made up for this deficiency by its comments on the services and character of the departed statesman, who for nearly forty years had occupied a very prominent and important position in this country, and had presided over its destinies after having passed the fourscore years allotted by the Psalmist to man. Arrangements were made for his interment in the vault belonging to the family in Romsey Abbey church, but they were set aside by the special desire of the Queen, in order that his remains might rest where so many other statesmen reposed, in the ancient Abbey of Westminster. Almost every public man in the country took some opportunity of eulogising the deceased premier. As to the appointment of his successor there could be no doubt or hesitation. Earl Russell's age, his great services, his high reputation, his honourable character, gave him irresistible claims to the vacant place. Equally, of course, Mr. Gladstone became leader of the ministry in the House of Commons. These changes afforded a sufficient guarantee that the question of parliamentary reform and of other much-needed changes would not be allowed to remain especially in the manufacturing districts, though they were chiefly confined to the working classes. In the United States of America they obtained still greater currency; so much so, that Neal Dow, the mayor of Portland, U.S., had succeeded in carrying a law for the state of Maine, of which that town was the capital, and which is known by the title of the 'Maine liquor law.' This law was passed in 1851. In 1852 Nathaniel Card, a member of the Society of Friends, a pledged total abstainer, but who had not hitherto taken an active part in promoting the views of the advocates of total abstinence, wrote to Mr. Neal Dow for information respecting the Maine liquor law. The reply that he received to this communication made him resolve to endeavour to establish in England an organisation to agitate in favour of a similar measure. He succeeded in inducing Mr. Alderman Harvey of Salford, Mr. James Simpson of Fox Denton, Mr. J. Brotherton, M.P. for Salford, and Mr. Pope, a young barrister, to embark with him in the proposed agitation, and to form with some others a provisional committee. In February of the following year they opened offices in Manchester, and came before the public, with Mr. Walter C. Trevelyan as president, Mr. Harvey as chairman, Mr. Pope, honorary secretary, and Mr. T. B. Barker, who has ever since been the soul of the agitation, as working secretary. The first step this committee took was to endeavour to unite those who were favourable to the movement throughout the country into a general council, of which Father Mathew, Mr. Silk Buckingham, the Earl of Allanton, and several others whose names had become widely known on account of the efforts they had made to promote the cause of temperance, became vice presidents. On the 1st of June, 1853, the council was constituted; and in October next a great inaugural meeting was held, at which the following propositions were unanimously adopted as a basis for the agitation, and as indicating the character and scope of the movement. '1. That it is neither right nor politic for the state to afford legal protection and sanction to any traffic or system that tends to increase crime, to waste the national resources, to corrupt the social habits, and to destroy the health and lives of the people. 1865.] OUTBREAK OF RINDERPEST. 269 arbitration. The men on the other hand insisted that the arbitration should precede their return to work. In such a contest the masters had the advantage which belongs to more cultivated intelligence and to the comparative smallness of their numbers, which facilitated combination. But the market-price of labour is regulated by the laws of demand and supply, and is very little influenced either by strikes or lock-outs. The masters, as appears by the result, had miscalculated it, and were forced to yield, first at Newcastle, then at Cleveland; at length the Staffordshire masters found themselves left to fight their battle with the men without farther assistance; then the South-Staffordshire masters yielded; and at last the North-Staffordshire masters, finding that they could not maintain the contest alone, followed their example; and so the dispute ended, not without heavy loss to both the contending parties, producing a greater willingness on both sides to submit their differences to arbitration, instead of settling them by the clumsy expedients of strikes and lock-outs. Before the general election was well over, the country was alarmed by the intelligence that a disease of the oxtribe known on the Continent by the name of the steppemurrain, or rinderpest, had appeared in this country. The disease seems to have been first brought into England by some cattle imported from Holland; and it spread rapidly. Attention was at once directed to the means to be adopted for repressing its ravages. The London cowkeepers met in the end of July to establish a society intended to prevent the spread of the infection. The government took up the matter, and on the 2nd of August the privy-council issued descriptions of the symptoms of the disease, and directions respecting the precautions to be adopted in order to prevent it from spreading. The alarm was increased by the circumstance that when the same complaint visited England a hundred and twenty years before, it was computed that no fewer than 40,000 head of cattle had perished by it, and there seemed to be strong reasons for apprehending that its ravages at this time would be at least equally serious. Towards the end of October it was announced that the cattle attacked with the disease during the past week, so far as they had come under the notice of the inspectors, were 1873, and that during the short time that had elapsed since the first outbreak of the pest the whole number reported to be attacked by it was 17,673, of which 6866 had been killed, 7912 had died, 2047 were still under treatment, and 848 had recovered. Commissioners who had been appointed to inquire into the origin, nature, and extent of the disease, recommended by a majority that for a limited time all movements of cattle from one place to another should be stopped; and they gave their opinion that if this regulation were enforced, the murrain must speedily disappear, and that nothing short of this would be sufficient to eradiIcate the evil. Nevertheless, it continued to spread, and before the end of the year 73,559 had been attacked, out of which 55,422 had died or been killed. The strong measures that had been taken were, however, beginning to tell on it, and the number of cases was steadily diminishing. In other respects the condition of the country was prosperous and promising. Peace and order had prevailed throughout the year, and everything betokened the continuance of these blessings. It is true that heavy autumnal rains had considerably damaged the harvest, and diminished the amount of its yield, which, combined with the cattle-plague, had caused a great rise in the price of provisions. But the hardship thus suffered was to a considerable extent compensated by abundance of employment and a high rate of wages. The termination of the struggle between the Northern and Southern States allowed the free importation of American cotton, to the great relief of the manufacturing industry of the country; and the only cloud in the political firmament was the bitter feeling roused by the ravages which the Alabama, and other privateers fitted out in this country, had committed on the merchant-ships of the United States. On the other hand, the navies of England and France had met, not, as heretofore, to contend in furious and bloody strife, but to exchange mutual civilities and hospitalities at Cherbourg and Portsmouth. CHAPTER V. THE REFORM BILL OF 1867. THE American civil war had left behind it a root of bitterness which it required all possible care and moderation on the part of our government to prevent from springing up, and creating very serious complications. A large and very influential portion of the English people had manifested a most decided sympathy with the Southern insurgents. This feeling was more deeply resented by the inhabitants of the Northern States because it was entirely unexpected. They had thought that in a struggle which had its origin in the progress of anti-slavery principles, which evidently tended to abolish slavery throughout the Union, they would have the warm sympathy and earnest support of anti-slavery England; and in proportion to the confidence with which they had reckoned on this support was their disappointment when they found that the sympathies of the majority of the governing classes of England were on the side of the South. This feeling was greatly increased when they saw privateers built in English shipyards preying on their commerce, and English blockade-runners defeating the vigilance of their cruisers, supplying their adversaries with arms, and enabling them to prolong the contest; and their exasperation was increased by the conviction that the sympathy and assistance which Englishmen afforded to the South was prompted by a desire to weaken the greatest republic that the world had ever seen, and to diminish or destroy her diplomatic influence. The animosity thus excited was not long in manifesting itself. In the beginning of the year 1866 a motion to the following effect was submitted to the Senate of the United States: Whereas England refuses to settle |