since the first outbreak of the pest the whole number reported to be attacked by it was 17,673, of which 6866 had been killed, 7912 had died, 2047 were still under treatment, and 848 had recovered. Commissioners who had been appointed to inquire into the origin, nature, and extent of the disease, recommended by a majority that for a limited time all movements of cattle from one place to another should be stopped; and they gave their opinion that if this regulation were enforced, the murrain must speedily disappear, and that nothing short of this would be sufficient to eradicate the evil. Nevertheless, it continued to spread, and before the end of the year 73,559 had been attacked, out of which 55,422 had died or been killed. The strong measures that had been taken were, however, beginning to tell on it, and the number of cases was steadily diminishing. In other respects the condition of the country was prosperous and promising. Peace and order had prevailed throughout the year, and everything betokened the continuance of these blessings.

It is true that heavy autumnal rains had considerably damaged the harvest, and diminished the amount of its yield, which, combined with the cattle-plague, had caused a great rise in the price of provisions. But the hardship thus suffered was to a considerable extent compensated_by abundance of employment and a high rate of wages. The termination of the struggle between the Northern and Southern States allowed the free importation of American cotton, to the great relief of the manufacturing industry of the country; and the only cloud in the political firmament was the bitter feeling roused by the ravages which the Alabama, and other privateers fitted out in this country, had committed on the merchant-ships of the United States. On the other hand, the navies of England and France had met, not, as heretofore, to contend in furious and bloody strife, but to exchange mutual civilities and hospitalities at Cherbourg and Portsmouth.

CHAPTER V.

THE REFORM BILL OF 1867.

THE American civil war had left behind it a root of bitterness which it required all possible care and moderation on the part of our government to prevent from springing up, and creating very serious complications. A large and very influential portion of the English people had manifested a most decided sympathy with the Southern insurgents. This feeling was more deeply resented by the inhabitants of the Northern States because it was entirely. unexpected. They had thought that in a struggle which had its origin in the progress of anti-slavery principles, which evidently tended to abolish slavery throughout the Union, they would have the warm sympathy and earnest support of anti-slavery England; and in proportion to the confidence with which they had reckoned on this support was their disappointment when they found that the sympathies of the majority of the governing classes of England were on the side of the South. This feeling was greatly increased when they saw privateers built in English shipyards preying on their commerce, and English blockade-runners defeating the vigilance of their cruisers, supplying their adversaries with arms, and enabling them to prolong the contest; and their exasperation was increased by the conviction that the sympathy and assistance which Englishmen afforded to the South was prompted by a desire to weaken the greatest republic that the world had ever seen, and to diminish or destroy her diplomatic influence. The animosity thus excited was not long in manifesting itself. In the beginning of the year 1866 a motion to the following effect was submitted to the Senate of the United States: Whereas England refuses to settle

6

The decision of the government had the effect of allaying the panic; and though many serious failures followed, public confidence was gradually restored, and the crisis terminated.

No event that happened in the course of this year excited more attention or evoked stronger feelings than the conduct of Governor Eyre in 1865, which was discussed with very great earnestness in parliament, in the press, and by the English people generally during this year. In suppressing an insurrection in Jamaica, he had sanctioned the trial of several of those who were alleged to have taken part in the insurrection by young and inexperienced officers, whose sentence of death had been followed by the immediate execution of the condemned persons. But the case which excited the greatest amount of attention, and brought on Governor Eyre the most severe condemnation in this country, was that of George William Gordon, a man of colour, occupying a respectable position and a member of the House of Assembly, a fact which certainly entitled him to some consideration. We give the circumstances which attended this man's execution, and the reasons which, in his opinion, justified it, in the words of the governor himself:

in

'I find everywhere,' he wrote, 'the most unmistakable evidence that George William Gordon, a coloured member of the House of Assembly, had not only been mixed up the matter, but was himself, through his own misrepresentations and seditious language addressed to the ignorant black people, the chief cause and origin of the whole rebellion. Mr. Gordon was now in Kingston; and it became necessary to decide what action should be taken with regard to him. Having obtained a deposition on oath that certain seditious printed notices had been sent through the post-office, directed in his handwriting, to the parties who had been leaders in the rebellion, I at once called upon the custos to issue a warrant and capture him. For some little time he managed to evade the capture; but finding that sooner or later it was inevitable, he proceeded to the house of General O'Connor and there gave himself up. I at once had him placed on board the Wolverine for safe custody, and conveyed to Morant Bay.'

There the unfortunate man was tried by court-martial,

1866.]

GOVERNOR EYRE.

295

and hanged, with the sanction of the governor, whose conduct was afterwards approved by the Legislative Council and the House of Assembly of the Island. In England, however, it was generally regarded in a very different light. Gordon, though a man of colour, was a British subject, and as slavery was abolished, he was as much a British subject, as much entitled to any protection the law affords to British subjects, as any white man in the United Kingdom. If he could legally be dealt with in this manner, then in case of an insurrection taking place in England, any member of the British parliament might be seized, carried off to some place in which martial law had been proclaimed, tried by courtmartial, and hung immediately after. To most people in England the conduct of Governor Eyre appeared to be utterly indefensible. The only excuse that it seemed possible to make for it, was, that there might be danger of a rescue. But in Gordon's case there could be no such danger, for he was on board a British man-of-war, where he might have been detained, and allowed time and opportunity to prepare his defence, and summon witnesses who might perhaps have proved that he had not been guilty of the conduct attributed to him. The Russell government yielded to the feeling that generally prevailed by issuing a commission to inquire into the matter, recalling Governor Eyre, and sending out Sir H. Storks, a man of very different character, to replace him. Nothing more fully showed the sort of justice which was dealt to Gordon and the other accused persons than a letter addressed to Mr. Charles Buxton, M.P., by Lieutenant Brand, an officer who had sat on one of these courts, the spirit of which may be judged by the following extract: 'If you have a spark of gentlemanly or generous feeling left, you will contradict your letter relative to my court, or I shall expect you to give me satisfaction in a way more suited to my tastes. And you know, sir, that it is a damned cowardly thing for you to write officers (who did their best, and whose acts were fully approved by their superiors), down, when you well know they are not allowed to write in a newspaper,' &c.

The admiralty of the conservative government showed their opinion of Mr. Brand's conduct-as, of course, any admiralty must have done-by at once suspending him, and recalling him; but they could not bring to life again

America vied with one another in doing honour to his memory.

At the commencement of the year the London Gazette announced that a treaty based on free-trade principles and somewhat similar in its provisions to that which had been entered into with France, had been concluded with the Austrian government. Thus the principles of Cobden and Bright were steadily gaining ground; the commerce of England was being greatly extended, and that not only without injury to other nations, but greatly to their advantage; increasing their wealth, and imparting to them those civilising influences which free commercial intercourse exercises on the countries between which it is carried on, and binding them every day more strongly together by cords of peace, which it would soon become difficult, if not impossible, to sever.

The formal opening of the new parliament took place on the 1st of February. The Houses, as usual on such occasions, were occupied with the swearing-in of their members, and other preliminary formalities until Tuesday the 6th of that month; when the Queen, for the first time since the death of her husband, opened the session in person. There was therefore a more than usual interest excited by the event, and a very great multitude congregated to witness the procession. There was some deviations made on this occasion from the ordinary ceremonial. The old gilded state carriage was replaced by one equally handsome and of more modern build. But the eight cream-coloured horses, according to time-honoured custom, drew the Queen from her own palace to that of the legislature. The weather was propitious, and the reception of her majesty by the people as cordial and hearty as it had ever been. The royal robes were laid on the chair of state, but the Queen did not wear them, and the speech was read for her by the lord chancellor. It was stated at the time that this procedure was in accordance with precedents afforded by Queen Elizabeth, whose custom it is said to have been to address her parliaments through her lord chancellor. As the royal lady stood by the throne, sad and motionless, with downcast eyes, it was evident to the spectators that the long interval that had elapsed since the death of her consort had not sufficed to assuage the