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1867.1

THE ISLINGTON RESOLUTIONS.

307

for new and enlarged boundaries of the existing parliamentary boroughs where the population extends beyond the limits now assigned for such boroughs; and to fix, subject to the decision of parliament, the boundaries of such other boroughs as parliament may deem fit to be represented in this house."

While these resolutions were being submitted to the House of Commons, a meeting of working men's tradesunions was being held at the Agricultural Hall, Islington, and at which 20,000 persons were computed to have been present. Mr. Disraeli's resolutions were read to them by Mr. P. A. Taylor, who also informed them of the purport of his statement. After the meeting had received this information, the following resolutions were submitted, and adopted:

1. That this meeting consider it their duty to distinctly declare that no measure for the improvement of the representation of the people in parliament will be satisfactory which is not based upon the principle of the people themselves being directly and personally represented, instead of such representation being virtual and sectional; and that such direct and real representation can only be effected by means of residential and registered manhood suffrage, protected in its free and honest exercise by the ballot.

2. That this meeting desires most earnestly to press on the liberal members of the House of Commons the absolute necessity, as they regard the peace and welfare of the country, of not consenting to any measure of reform designed to evade the full and just rights of the people to be directly represented in their own branch of the legislature.

3. That in the opinion of this meeting the statements made in the House of Commons this evening on the subject of reform in the representation of the people in parliament are eminently unsatisfactory, and complete the proof of the present government being unworthy of the confidence of the country.'

Thus the two schemes of reform-the conservative scheme and the radical scheme-were placed face to face with each other; and the latter had at least the advantage of being clear, definite, and intelligible, based on a plain principle, and making a fearless and consistent application

of it. The programme of each of the two extreme parties was put before the country, and it remained to be seen which of the two would prevail, or whether some middle course would be adopted. In the meantime the House of Commons calmly waited the introduction of the resolutions of which Mr. Disraeli had given notice.

When the 25th of February, the day appointed for the consideration of them, arrived, the house was once more filled by a densely-packed and earnest crowd of members and spectators. A bill founded on them was brought forward on the 25th of March, only to be withdrawn on the following day; when Mr. Disraeli announced that he would bring in a new bill on the subject. Mr. Gladstone expressed a hope that the bill would be such that all differences about it might be settled in committee. But, before the day fixed for its introduction came, it appeared that the differences of opinion which existed in the cabinet on the reform question had caused the resignation of three of its most important members. As the premier himself related the circumstances under which these resignations had been made, we cannot do better than give, in a somewhat abbreviated form, his own statement of what occurred.

'When I took office,' he said, 'I did so practically unpledged on the subject of reform. An agreement, however, was soon come to between my colleagues and myself, that it was impossible altogether to ignore that question; but we felt that the only mode of bringing it to a successful issue was to invite the House of Commons to consider what compromise would be acceptable to all parties; and with that view it was determined to proceed by resolutions. Unfortunately the House of Commons did not think fit to adopt that mode of proceeding, and the government was consequently deprived of a great advantage, being unable to collect the general feeling and desire of the house on the main points. Two schemes were originally brought under the consideration of the government, and both differed as to the amount and extent of the franchise. The more extensive of the two schemes was that to which the resolutions had originally pointed, and more especially the fifth, under which would have been introduced the system of plurality of votes, which might allow us to extend the franchise lower than we otherwise would. One dis

1867.]

LORD DERBY'S EXPLANATIONS.

309

tinguished member of the cabinet entertained strong objections to the course pursued, but in order to secure unanimity waived those objections. I then hoped that the larger and more comprehensive scheme would have been fixed on; but, to my surprise and regret, I found that two of my most valued colleagues, on reconsideration, disapproved of the scheme, and felt compelled to withdraw the assent they had given to it. Of course I at once relieved the third colleague from the assent he had given; and it then became necessary for the government to consider what course they would adopt. Ultimately we determined to submit to the House of Commons a measure which we did not consider thoroughly satisfactory, but which we hoped might for a time settle the question. But it very shortly became obvious that on neither side of the house would the proposition of the government meet with a concurrence; and therefore it became necessary last week to consider whether we should adhere to our second proposition, or revert to the first. We resolved on taking the latter course. Our scheme will in a short time be laid before the other house of parliament; and I trust that before the expiration of the present week I shall be able to supply the place of the colleagues I have had the misfortune to lose.'

These colleagues were the Earl of Carnarvon, Viscount Cranbourne, now Earl of Salisbury, and General Peel. A somewhat similar statement to that made by the Earl of Derby to the peers was made by Mr. Disraeli to the commons. At the same time he announced that he proposed to introduce his reform bill on the 18th of March; and suggested that it should be read a second time on Monday the 23d; and that if it were then accepted by the house, they could go into committee as soon as was consistent with the transaction of public business; and he should prefer, on the part of the government, that the house should sit in committee on the bill de die in diem.

Mr. Gladstone, in the course of some remarks he made in following Mr. Disraeli, expressed a hope that the reform measure, when it appeared, would be of a simple, straightforward, and intelligible character; that though it must be new, it should not be 'new-fangled.' He said that the people of this country were attached to simplicity of pro

cedure. Above all, he trusted that the contemplated measure would not contain two sets of provisions; one of them framed to have the semblance of giving, and the other to have the reality of taking away. He added, that if ministers, avoiding these changes, would submit a plan that promised to effect good in a way that was simple, straightforward, intelligible, and constitutional in its character, he ventured to promise that it would be received on his side of the house in no grudging spirit, with no recollection of the past, and no revival of mutual suspicions and complaints. These were wise counsels and generous overtures; and it would have been well for the government if it could have embraced them. But Mr. Disraeli now found himself in the position in which Sir Robert Peel had formerly been, having to deal with a section of his party which was determined not to accept changes which had become inevitable and indispensable; and he was obliged to tax his ingenuity to the utmost to produce a measure which would give a considerable extension of the franchise without causing too much alarm to this portion of his party.

The measure which had already divided the conservative councils, and caused so important a secession from the ministry, was brought forward by Mr. Disraeli on the 18th of March. Although so many bills on the subject had already been submitted to the House of Commons, there was no abatement of the interest with which the question was regarded either by the members of the legislature or by the public. The house was as densely packed in all its parts as it had ever been, and there was as great a desire manifested to obtain places in the gallery as on any previous occasion of the same kind. The plan propounded by the chancellor of the exchequer was certainly bold, and perhaps the best which, considering on the one hand the demands of the country, and on the other hand the principles, the sentiments, and the interests of his own followers, it was possible for him to bring forward.

The franchise in boroughs was conferred on every man of full age, and not subject to any legal incapacity, who for the whole of the preceding two years had been the inhabitant occupier, whether as owner or tenant, of any dwellinghouse within the borough, and had during the time of his

1867.]

THE REFORM BILL OF 1867.

311

occupation of it been rated to all rates (if any) made for the relief of the poor in respect of these premises, and had before the 20th of July paid all rates due up to the preceding 5th day of January.

The franchise in counties was to be conferred on every man of full age, and not subject to any legal incapacity, who on the last day of July in any year, and during the preceding twelve months, had been the occupier as owner or tenant of premises of any tenure within the county of the rateable value of fifteen pounds or upwards, and had during the time of his occupation been rated to all rates made for the relief of the poor, and had paid before the 20th of July all rates due by him on that property since the preceding 5th of January.

But, in addition to the franchises thus made to depend on the ownership or occupation of property, it was also proposed that there should be

An educational franchise, to be conferred on all graduates or associates in arts of any university of the united kingdom; on any male person who has passed at any senior middle-class examination of any university of the united kingdom; on any ordained priest or deacon of the church of England, or minister of any other denomination; on barristers, pleaders, attorneys, medical men, and certificated schoolmasters.

A pecuniary franchise to belong to every man who on the 1st of July in any year, and during the two years immediately preceding, has had a balance of not less than fifty pounds deposited in a savings-bank, or in the Bank of England, or in any parliamentary stocks or funds, or has during the twelve months immediately preceding the 5th of April in any year been charged with and paid twenty shillings for assessed taxes and income-tax.

Another clause of the bill, which was perhaps its most novel feature, provided that a person registered as a voter for a borough by reason of his having been charged with and paid the requisite amount of assessed taxes and incometax, or either of such taxes, shall not by reason of being so registered lose any right to which he may be entitled (if otherwise duly qualified) to be registered as a voter for the same borough in respect of any franchise involving occupation of premises and payment of rates, and when

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