III.]

Finis Poloniæ.

167

once more to hector the peasantry to the top of their bent; German discipline, to please them, should give way to Polish liberty. A massive stumbling-block, however, lies in the way of the realisation of their wishes. It is fortunate for Polish "patriotism" or let us give it its right name-for egotism flaunting the national cockade, that it has not the power to put its whims into execution; for it would inevitbly ruin its people and country over again. We shall not in any way assist it to "materialise its phantoms." To do so would be to sin against ourselves, and against our neighbour, who knows what he wants, but "knows not what he does."

( 168 )

CHAPTER IV.

BISMARCK AND THE PRESS.

WHETHER the press, or let us say, periodical literature as it is conducted in Germany, does more harm than good in the political world, and whether it really makes or expresses public opinion, are questions respecting which many people differ. But all well-informed persons are agreed that, with all its short-comings, it is a Power.

The hurry with which newspapers must necessarily be prepared for publication renders it impossible for their editors or contributors to deal fundamentally with any subject, and compels them to think hastily. They are obliged to form judgments upon insufficient evidence. They are precluded from maintaining a steadfast attitude by the variability of the intelligence reaching them by wire and from their correspondents, one item of news sometimes confirming, sometimes refuting another. As a rule a newspaper represents a party, from the standpoint of which it either unwillingly takes an incorrect or oblique view of events, or willingly casts a too favourable or unfavourable light upon them. Moreover, these " Moreover, these "organs of public opinion" are not unfrequently started or supported by banking-houses or syndicates, interested in emphasising or ignoring political occurrences—in colouring or even inventing them with the object of bringing about a rise or fall on 'Change. Consequently, the instruction derived by the

IV.]

Characteristics of Fournalism.

169

public from the results of journalistic activity are frequently of doubtful value, and sometimes of none at all. Leaving intentional misdirection out of the question, the reader profits but little by what the newspapers teach him. He learns many things, but not much. He retains a very small portion of what he has read; he is sure of nothing, and accustoms himself to "ready writing" and superficiality, as well as to taking his opinions daily from some one else, instead of forming them by personal reflection, contemplation of the actual world and verbal exchange of views with other people. He ceases to be reproductive and remains merely receptive, falling, through forgetfulness, into the error of mistaking the thoughts of others for his own convictions, and sustaining them with ardour as such. On the other hand, public opinion, as fashioned by leading journals, compels its fabricators to stick to their perversions, even when they know better, on pain of losing credit with their subscribers. Reverence for the wisdom of a great newspaper must not suffer abatement; its staff must strive to effect party-objects, and to live by it as well.

At one of his parliamentary evening parties (December, 1875) Bismarck delivered himself as follows upon the subject of the German press. "Too much stress is laid upon the sensational in our papers, as if something astounding were bound to happen every day. Each number must contain a novelty-if possible, an important or extraordinary one. Thus the public is spoilt; it gets to expect and exact such matters from its newspaper, which is driven to require them from its correspondents. These persons are thereby put in a very awkward position. They must send some special item of news in each of their reports; if they fail to do so, their employers either consider them neglectful and too lazy to look about them, or forlorn

170

Bismarck on War-Lies.

[CHAP. of useful connections. Knowing this, a correspondent sits him down and takes counsel with his imagination, or hies away to the Foreign Embassies, which readily furnish him with information such as suits their own purposes. For instance, just now everything is quiet, except that scrap of a Herzegovina, which concerns us not at all. . . . Again, our papers busy themselves far too much with foreign countries, with French affairs, questions asked in the British Parliament, English meetings, elections, appointments and such like. These are matters only now and then possessing any real interest for us. What Paris newspaper troubles itself whether is elected to the Diet for Trakehnen or Kaukehmen, or what sort of a speech Herr spouted to his political friends, or what is the family name of the new Governor of Koenigsberg? It would be far better and more useful to do as the English press does, that is, to deal almost exclusively with home affairs in a practical and thoroughgoing spirit. Thus the public is really kept well-informed, and is enabled to form an opinion upon matters of some importance to it."

or

has

During the debate on the Penal Laws (February 9, 1876) the Chancellor called attention to the prejudice frequently caused to public welfare by the press, and with reference to the evil effects produced by the dissemination of fabricated and distorted news, observed:-"I refer particularly to the perversion of facts in connection with peace and war. Permit me, in a few words, to recall the war-lies which, for twelve years past and even longer, have troubled anxious spirits and materially contributed to the injury of trade. In 1863 a Belgian journal reported that the talk of Berlin was a new Quadruple Alliance of Prussia, France, Italy and Sweden, ultimately to be joined by Denmark at the price of Schleswig-Holstein's definitive cession to that kingdom.

IV.]

Public Gullibility.

171

Sweden was to obtain Finland; Poland her 1772 frontiers; Italy, Venice; France, Mayence, Cologne and perhaps Brussels; Prussia the whole of Germany and perhaps Holland. That report was the origin of all the worry we have since undergone upon the subject of Holland, a country extremely friendly to us. The lie in question was served up again and again, year after year, by a great many newspapers. But that was not all. In 1871, to the best of my remembrance, the Polish journals (which have always gloated over the prospect of war between Russia and Germany) averred that we were resolved to deprive Russia of her Baltic provinces. Shortly afterwards we were calumniously accused of intending to make war upon Austria; and the culminating point was reached last spring by warlike clamours, prompted by a few newspaper articles, which were listened to with an amount of credulity surpassing the limits of the marvellous. I ascribe the present slackness of business in great measure to the misrepresentations of the newspapers with relation to the probabilities of war. But the chief fault lies with the gullibility and sensational proclivities of the German reader, who declines to peruse serious, practical and instructive articles upon home subjects, which ought to be of paramount interest to him. Nobody wants to read such articles, and the editorial staffs of journals do not want to write them, because they have to be written with care and pains. German newspapers are bound to be amusing reading, to be glanced over whilst drinking a mug full of beer, and to furnish topics of lively conversation, more especially about something that has taken place a long way off, in foreign parts. To my mind, the papers busy themselves far too much with foreign affairs."

"Credulous people on 'Change suffer prejudice by these