;

I wrote the above some time before. I received yours, acquainting me with your speedy and safe return, which gave me pleasure. I doubted after I had written it, whether it would be well to send it; for as your proud nation despises us exceedingly, and demands and expects absolute and humble submission, all talk of treaty must appear imprudence, and tend to provoke rather than conciliate. As you still press me by your last to say something; I conclude to send what I had written, for I think the advice is good though it must be useless and I cannot, as some amongst you desire, make propositions, having none committed to me to make; but we can treat if any are made to us, which however we do not expect. I abominate with you all murder, and I may add that the slaughter of men in an unjust cause is nothing less than murder; I therefore never think of your present ministers and their abettors, but with the image strongly painted in my view, of their hands, red, wet, and dropping with the blood of my countrymen, friends, and relations. No peace can be signed by those hands. Peace and friendship will nevertheless subsist for ever between Mr. Hutton and his affectionate friend, B. FRANKLIN.

To D. HARTLEY, Esq. M, P.

DEAR SIR,

Passy, Feb. 12, 1778. A thousand thanks for your so readily engaging in the means of relieving our poor captives, and the pains you have taken, and the advances you have made for that purpose. I received your kind letter of the Sd

3d

instant, and send you enclosed a bill of 100l. I much approve of Mr. Wren's prudent, as well as benevolent conduct, in the disposition of the money, and wish him to continue doing what shall appear to him and you to be right, which I am persuaded will appear the same to me and my colleagues here. I beg you will present him, when you write my respectful acknowledgments.

Your "earnest caution and request that nothing may ever persuade America to throw themselves into the arms of France; for that times may mend, and that an American must always be a stranger in France, but that Great Britain may for ages to come be their home," marks the goodness of your heart, your regard for us, and love of your country. But when your nation is hiring all the cutthroats it can collect of all countries and colours to destroy us, it is hard to persuade us not to ask or accept aid from any power that may be prevailed with to grant it; and this only from the hope that though you now thirst for our blood and pursue us with fire and sword, you may in some future time treat us kindly. This is too much patience to be expected of us; indeed I think it is not in human nature. The Americans are received and treated here in France with a cordiality, a respect and affection they never experienced in England when they most deserved it; and which is now (after all the pains taken to exasperate the English against them, and render them odious as well as contemptible) less to be expected there than ever. And I cannot see why we may not, upon an alliance, hope for a continuance of it, at least of as much as the Swiss enjoy, with whom France has maintained a faithful friendship for two hundred years past, and whose people appear to live here in as much esteem as the na

tives. America has been forced and driven into the arms of France. She was a dutiful and virtuous daughter. A cruel mother-in-law turned her out of doors, defamed herj and sought her life. All the world knows her innocence and takes her parts and her friends hope soon to see her honourably married. They can never persuade her return and submission to so barbarous an enemy. In her future prosperity, if she forgets and forgives, 'tis all that can be reasonably expected of her. b believe she will make as good and useful a wife as she did a daughter, that her husband will love and honour her, and that the family from which she was so wickedly expelled, will long regret the loss of her 1390 900 3 iiicer odw

I know not whether a peace with us is desired in Eng land. I rather think it is not at present, unless on the old impossible terms of submission and receiving pardon. Whenever you shall be disposed to make peace upon equal and reasonable terms, you will find little difficulty if you get first an honest ministry. The present have all along acted so deceitfully and treacherously as well as inhumanly towards the Americans, that I imagine, the absolute want of all confidence in them, will make a treaty at present between them land the Congress impracticable. That

The subscription for the prisoners will have excellent effects in favour of England and Englishmen. The Scotch subscriptions for raising troops to destroy us, though amounting to much greater sums, will not do their nation half so much good. If you have an opportunity. I

The Treaty of Commerce and that of eventual alliance with France had both been signed six days prior to the date of this letter, though the fact was then kept secret.

wish you would express our respectful acknowledgments and thanks to your Committee and contributors, whose benefactions will make our poor people as comfortable as their situation can permit. Adieu, my dear friend. Ac cept my thanks for the excellent papers you inclosed to me. Your endeavours for peace, though unsuccessful, will always be a comfort to you, and in time when this made war shall be universally execrated, will be a solid addition to your reputation. I am ever with the highest esteem, &c.mer zumer adr te it has red sproget nge

P. S. An old friend of mine, Mr. Hutton, a chief of the Moravians, who is often at the Queen's, palace, and is sometimes spoken to by the King, was over here lately. He pretended to no commission, but urged me much to propose some terms of peace, which I avoided. He has wrote to me since his return, pressing the same thing, and expressing with some confidence his opinion that we might have every thing short of absolute independence, &c. Inclosed I send my answers; open, that you may read them, and if you please copy before you deliver or forward them. They will serve to show you more fully my sentiments, though they serve no other purpose.swied

I

I received yours of the 18th and 20th of this month, with Lord North's proposed bills. The more I see of the ideas and projects of your ministry, and

1 See the two preceding letters.

their little arts and schemes of amusing and dividing us, the more I admire the prudent, manly, and magnanimous propositions contained in your intended motion for an address to the King, What reliance can we have on an act expressing itself to be only a declaration of the intention of parliament concerning the exercise of the RIGHT of imposing taxes in America, when in the bill itself, as well as in the title, a right is supposed and claimed which never existed; and a present intention only is declared not to use it, which may be changed by another act next session, with a preamble that this intention being found inexpedient, it is thought proper to repeal this act and resume the exercise of the right in its full extent. If any solid permanent benefit was intended by this, why is it confined to the colonies of North America, and 'not extended to the loyal ones in the sugar islands? But it is now needless to criticise, as all acts that suppose your future governnient of the colonies can be no longer signi ficant send

In the act for appointing commissioners instead of full powers to agree upon terms of peace and friendship, with a promise of ratifying such treaty as they shall make in pursuance of those powers; it is declared that their agree ments shall have no force nor effect, nor be carried into execution till approved of by parliament; so that every thing of importance will be uncertain. But they are allowed to proclaim a cessation of arms, and revoke their proclamation as soon as in consequence of it our militia have been allowed to go home: they may suspend the operation of acts prohibiting trade, and take off that suspension when our merchants in consequence of it have been induced to send their ships to sea; in short, they