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is probable that her neighbours will continue to adhere to their favourite restrictions.

Were it certain that the United States could be brought to act as a nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their commerce on principles of exact reciprocity with all nations, we think it probable that Britain would make extensive concessions. But on the contrary, while the prospect of disunion in our councils, or want of power and energy in our executive departments exist, they will not be apprehensive of retaliation, and consequently lose their principal motive to liberality. Unless with regard to all foreign nations and transactions, we uniformly act ashan entire united nation, faithfully executing and obeying the constitutional acts of congress on those subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in the situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, viz. as unimportant consumers of her manufactures and productions, and as useful labourers to furnish her with raw materials.

We beg leave to assure congress that we shall apply our best endeavours to execute this new commission to their satisfaction, and shall punctually obey such instructions as they may be pleased to give us relative to it. Unless congress should have nominated a secretary to the commission, we shall consider ourselves at liberty to appoint one, and as we are well satisfied with the conduct of Mr. Temple Franklin, the secretary to our late comniission, we purpose to appoint him; leaving to congress to make such compensation for his services as they may judge proper.

With great respect, we have the honour to be, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and humble servants,

JOHN ADAMS,

B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN JAY.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY, Esq. M. P. TO DR.

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I am at present at Bath with my dearest sister, whom I have found as well as I could have expected, and I hope with reasonable prospect of recovery in time. I have seen my friends in the ministry, and hope things will go well; with them I am sure all is right and firm. The chief part of the cabinet ministers are out of town, but there will be a full cabinet held in a few days, in which a specific proposition in the nature of a temporary convention will be given in instructions to me. I imagine, nearly upon the ground of my memorial of May 21, 1783, which I delivered to the American ministers ; * viz. "American ships not to bring foreign manufactures into Great Britain, nor to trade directly between the British West Indies and Great Britain," all the rest to be as before the war. I expect that something to this effect will be their determination, in the offer, and if it should be so, I shall hope not to meet with difficulty on your parts. I want to see some specific beginning. As to any further proposition respecting the trade between Great Britain and the British West Indies, I doubt whether any such can be discussed before the meeting of parliament. I wish to look forward not only to the continuation of peace between our two countries, but to the improvement of reconciliation into alliance; and therefore I wish the two parties to be disposed to accommodate each other, without the strict account by weights and scales as between aliens and strangers, actuated towards each other

1 See pages 376 and 379.

by no other principle than cold and equalizing indifference. Friendly dispositions presumed have their fairest chance of being realized, but if we should set out presuming against them, the good which might have happened may be prevented. Prays remember me to your three colleagues, and to all friends.

tionately,

Yours ever most affec

D. HARTLEY,

P. S. I have put in a word for our Quaker article,' and I hope with some impression.

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DAVID HARTLEY, Esq. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Bath, October 4, 1783.

I only write one line to you to let you know that I am not forgetful of you, or of our common concerns. I have not heard any thing from the ministry yet : I believe it is a kind of vacation with them before the meeting of parliament. I have told you of a proposition which I have had some thoughts to make as a kind of co partnership in commerce. I send you a purposed temporary convention, which I have drawn up. You are to consider it only as one I recommend. The words underlined are grafted upon the proposition of my memorial, dated May 21, 1789. You will see the principle which I have in my thoughts to extend for the purpose of restoring our ancient co-partnership generally. I cannot tell you what event things may take, but my thoughts are always employed in endeavouring to arrange that system upon which the China Vase, lately shattered, may be cemented together, upon principles of compact and connection, in

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stead of dependence. I have met with a sentiment in this country which gives some alarm, viz. lest the unity of government in America should be uncertain, and the States reject the authority of Congress. Some passages in General Washington's letter have, given weight to these doubts. I don't hear of any tendency to this opinion; that the American States will break to pieces, and then we may still conquer them. I believe all that folly is extinguished. But many serious and well disposed persons are alarmed lest this should be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, and annihilating the cement of confederation (vide Washington's letter), and that Great Britain should thereby lose her best and wisest hope of being re-connected with the American States unitedly. I should for one, think it the greatest misfortunė. Pray give me some opinion upon this. You see there is likewise another turn which may be given to this sentiment by intemperate and disappointed people, who may indulge a passionate revenge for their own disappointments, by endeavouring to excite general distrust, discord, and dis-union. I wish to be prepared and guarded at all points. I beg my best compliments to your colleagues; be so good as to show this letter to them. I beg particularly my condolence (and I hope congratulation) to Mr. Adams; I bear that he has been very dangerously ill, but that he is again recovered. I hope the latter part is true, and that we shall all survive to set our hands to some future compacts of common interest, and common affection, between our two countries. Your ever affectionate, D. HARTLEY.

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Passy, Oct. 16, 1783.

I have nothing material to write to you respecting public affairs, but I cannot let Mr. Adams,

who will see you, go without a line to enquire after your welfare, to inform you of mine, and assure you of my constant respect and attachment.

I think with you that our Quaker article is a good one, and that men will in time have sense enough to adopt it, but I fear that time is not yet come.

and

What would you think of a proposition if I should make it, of a family compact between England, France, and America? America would be as happy as the Sabine girls, if she could be the means of uniting in perpetual peace her father and her husband. What repeated follies are those repeated wars? You do not want to conquer govern one another. Why then should you be continually employed in injuring and destroying one another? How many excellent things might have been done to promote the internal welfare of each country; what bridges, roads, canals, and other useful public works and institutions tending to the common felicity, might have been made and established, with the money and men foolishly spent during the last seven centuries by our mad wars in doing one another mischief? You are near neighbours, and each have very respectable qualities. Learn to be quiet and to respect each other's rights. You are all Christians. One is the most Christian king, and the other defender of the faith. Manifest the propriety of these titles by your future conduct. "By this," said Christ, "shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye love

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