States. The reëstablishment in France of a system of government disconnected with the dynastic traditions of Europe appeared to be a proper subject for the felicitations of Americans. Should the present struggle result in attaching the hearts of the French to our simpler forms of representative government, it will be a subject of still further satisfaction to our people. While we make no effort to impose our institutions upon the inhabitants of other countries, and while we adhere to our traditional neutrality in civil contests elsewhere, we cannot be indifferent to the spread of American political ideas in a great and highly civilized country like France.

We were asked by the new government to use our good offices, jointly with those of European powers, in the interests of peace. Answer was made that the established policy and the true interests of the United States forbade them to interfere in European questions jointly with European powers. I ascertained, informally and unofficially, that the government of North Germany was not then disposed to listen to such representations from any power, and though earnestly wishing to see the blessings of peace restored to the belligerents, with all of whom the United States are on terms of friendship, I declined, on the part of this Government, to take a step which could only result in injury to our true interests, without advancing the object for which our intervention was invoked. Should the time come when the action of the United States can hasten the return of peace, by a single hour, that action will be heartily taken. I deemed it prudent, in view of the number of persons of German and French birth living in the United States, to issue, soon after official notice of a state of war had been received from both belligerents, a proclamation, defining the duties of the United States as a neutral and the obligations of persons residing within their territory, to observe their laws and the laws of nations. This proclamation was followed by others, as circumstances seemed to call for them. The people, thus acquainted, in advance, of their duties and obligations, have assisted in preventing violations of the neutrality of the United States.

It is not understood that the condition of the insurrection in Cuba has materially changed since the close of the last session of Congress. In an early stage of the contest the authorities of Spain inaugurated a system of arbitrary arrests, of close confinement and of military trial, and execution of persons suspected of complicity with the insurgents, and of summary embargo of their properties, and sequestration of their revenues by executive warrant. Such proceedings, so far as they affected the persons or property of citizens of the United States, were in violation of the provisions of the treaty of 1795 between the United States and Spain. Representations of injuries resulting to several persons claiming to be citizens of the United States, by reason of such violations, were made to the Spanish government. From April 1869

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to June last the Spanish minister at Washington had been clot! a limited power to aid in redressing such wrongs. That po found to be withdrawn, "in view," as it was said, "of the f situation in which the Island of Cuba" then "was;" which, how not lead to a revocation or suspension of the extraordinary a trary functions exercised by the executive power in Cuba, were obliged to make our complaints at Madrid. In the tions thus opened, and still pending there, the United Sta claimed that, for the future, the rights secured to their cit treaty should be respected in Cuba, and that, as to the past tribunal should be established in the United States, with f diction over all such claims. Before such an impartial tribu claimant would be required to prove his case. On the oth Spain would be at liberty to traverse every material fact, and t plete equity would be done. A case which, at one time, th seriously to affect the relations between the United States and S already been disposed of in this way. The claim of the owne Colonel Lloyd Aspinwall, for the illegal seizure and detention vessel, was referred to arbitration, by mutual consent, and has in an award to the United States, for the owners, of the sum teen thousand seven hundred and two dollars and fifty cents Another and long pending claim of like nature, that of the w Canada, has been disposed of by friendly arbitrament during ent year. It was referred, by the joint consent of Brazil and th States, to the decision of Sir Edward Thornton, her Britannic minister at Washington, who kindly undertook the laborious examining the voluminous mass of correspondence and testin mitted by the two governments, and awarded to the United S sum of one hundred thousand and seven hundred and forty do nine cents, in gold, which has since been paid by the imperia ment. These recent examples show that the mode which th States have proposed to Spain for adjusting the pending clain and feasible, and that it may be agreed to by either nation wit honor. It is to be hoped that this moderate demand may be a by Spain without further delay. Should the pending neg unfortunately and unexpectedly, be without result, it will the my duty to communicate that fact to Congress and invite its the subject.

The long deferred peace conference between Spain and t South American republics has been inaugurated in Washingt the auspices of the United States. Pursuant to the recomm contained in the resolution of the House of Representatives, o of December 1866, the Executive Department of the Governme its friendly offices for the promotion of peace and harmony Spain and the allied republics. Hesitations and obstacles oc

which I authorized the Secretary of State to preside. It was attended by the ministers of Spain, Peru, Chili, and Ecuador. In consequence of the absence of a representative from Bolivia the conference was adjourned until the attendance of a plenipotentiary from that republic could be secured, or other measures could be adopted toward compassing its objects.

The allied and other republics of Spanish origin, on this continent, may see in this fact a new proof of our sincere interest in their welfare; of our desire to see them blessed with good governments, capable of maintaining order and of preserving their respective territorial integrity; and of our sincere wish to extend our own commercial and social relations with them. The time is not probably far distant when, in the natural course of events, the European political connection with this continent will cease. Our policy should be shaped, in view of this probability, so as to ally the commercial interests of the Spanish American States more closely to our own, and thus give the United States all the preeminence and all the advantage which Mr. Monroe, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Clay contemplated when they proposed to join in the Congress of Panama.

During the last session of Congress a treaty for the annexation of the Republic of San Domingo to the United States failed to receive the requisite two-thirds vote of the Senate. I was thoroughly convinced then that the best interests of this country, commercially and materially, demanded its ratification. Time has only confirmed me in this view. I now firmly believe that the moment it is known that the United States have entirely abandoned the project of accepting, as a part of its territory, the Island of San Domingo, a free port will be negotiated for by European nations in the Bay of Samana. A large commercial city will spring up, to which we will be tributary without receiving corresponding benefits, and then will be seen the folly of our rejecting so great a prize. The government of San Domingo has voluntarily sought this annexation. It is a weak power, numbering probably less than one hundred and twenty thousand souls, and yet possessing one of the richest territories under the sun, capable of supporting a population of ten millions of people in luxury. The people of San Domingo are not capable of maintaining themselves in their present condition, and must look for outside support. They yearn for the protection of our free institutions. and laws; our progress and civilization. Shall we refuse them?

The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geographical position. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea and the Isthmus transit of commerce. It possesses the richest soil, best and most capacious harbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valuable products of the forest, mine, and soil of any of the West India Islands. Its possession by us will in a few years build up a coastwise commerce of immense magnitude, which will go far toward restoring to us our

lost merchant marine. It will give to us those articles which sume so largely and do not produce, thus equalizing our exp imports. In case of foreign war it will give us command of islands referred to, and thus prevent an enemy from ever again ing himself of rendezvous upon our very coast. At present trade between the States bordering on the Atlantic and thos ing on the Gulf of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas and the Twice we must, as it were, pass through foreign countries to go from Georgia to the west coast of Florida.

San Domingo with a stable government, under which her resources can be developed, will give remunerative wages to thousands of laborers not now upon the island. This labor advantage of every available means of transportation to aba adjacent islands and seek the blessings of freedom and its se each inhabitant receiving the reward of his own labor. Porto Cuba will have to abolish slavery, as a measure of self-preser retain their laborers.

San Domingo will become a large consumer of the products ern farms and manufactories. The cheap rate at which her cit be furnished with food, tools, and machinery will make it neces contiguous islands should have the same advantages, in orde pete in the production of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropical fi This will open to us a still wider market for our products. Th tion of our own supply of these articles will cut off more than dred millions of our annual imports, besides largely increasing ports. With such a picture it is easy to see how our large del is ultimately to be extinguished. With a balance of trade a (including interest on bonds held by foreigners and money our citizens traveling in foreign lands) equal to the entire yie precious metals in this country it is not so easy to see how this to be otherwise accomplished.

The acquisition of San Domingo is an adherence to the "Mo trine;" it is a measure of national protection; it is asserting claim to a controlling influence over the great commercial traff flow from west to east, by way of the Isthmus of Darien; it is up our merchant marine; it is to furnish new markets for the of our farms, shops, and manufactories; it is to make slavery i able in Cuba and Porto Rico at once, and ultimately so in Bra to settle the unhappy condition of Cuba and end an exterminat flict; it is to provide honest means of paying our honest debts overtaxing the people; it is to furnish our citizens with the ne of every-day life at cheaper rates than ever before; and it is, rapid stride toward that greatness which the intelligence, indus enterprise of the citizens of the United States entitle this co assume among nations.

In view of the importance of this question I earnestly urge u

སྤུ་པ་ ་་་

ing San Domingo. My suggestion is that, by joint resolution of the two houses of Congress, the Executive be authorized to appoint a commission to negotiate a treaty with the authorities of San Domingo for the acquisition of that island, and that an appropriation be made to defray the expenses of such commission. The question may then be determined, either by the action of the Senate upon the treaty or the joint action of the two houses of Congress, upon a resolution of annexation, as in the case of the acquisition of Texas. So convinced am I of the advantages to flow from the acquisition of San Domingo, and of the great disadvantages, I might almost say calamities, to flow from nonacquisition, that I believe the subject has only to be investigated to be approved.

It is to be regretted that our representations in regard to the injurious effects, especially upon the revenue of the United States, of the policy of the Mexican government, in exempting from impost duties a large tract of its territory on our borders, have not only been fruitless, but that it is even proposed, in that country, to extend the limits within which the privilege adverted to has hitherto been enjoyed. The expediency of taking into your serious consideration proper measures for countervailing the policy referred to will, it is presumed, engage your earnest attention.

It is the obvious interest, especially of neighboring nations, to provide against impunity to those who may have committed high crimes within their borders, and who may have sought refuge abroad. For this purpose extradition treaties have been concluded with several of the Central American republics, and others are in progress.

The sense of Congress is desired, as early as may be convenient, upon the proceedings of the commission on claims against Venezuela, as communicated in my messages of March 16, 1869, March 1, 1870, and March 31, 1870. It has not been deemed advisable to distribute any of the money which has been received from that government until Congress shall have acted on the subject.

The massacres of French and Russian residents at Tien-Tsin, under circumstances of great barbarity, were supposed by some to have been premeditated, and to indicate a purpose among the populace to exterminate foreigners in the Chinese Empire. The evidence fails to establish such a supposition, but shows a complicity between the local authorities and the mob. The government at Pekin, however, seems to have been disposed to fulfill its treaty obligations so far as it was able to do so. Unfortunately, the news of the war between the German states and France reached China soon after the massacre. It would appear that the popular mind became possessed with the idea that this contest, extending to Chinese waters, would neutralize the Christian influence and power, and that the time was coming when the superstitious masses might expel all foreigners and restore mandarin influence. Anticipating