MY DEAR SIR:

TO JOHN ADAMS

EALING, I August, 1816.

The multiplicity of business, and of things that consume more time than business, have in spite of all my efforts broken down to such a degree the regularity of my private correspondence that I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of 20 and 28 March, of 10 and 20 May, and of 16 and 25 June, every one of which contains matter upon which, if I had the time and the talents, I could write you a volume in return.

You are alarmed at the restoration of the Jesuits; but whether it is that I was fascinated by my good old friend, the Father General at St. Petersburg, or that I have a firmer reliance upon the impossibility of reviving exanimated impostures, I have not been able to work myself up into anything like fear of evil consequences at this event. I had a diplomatic colleague in Russia, a man of excellent heart, of amiable temper, of amusing and sportive wit, a profound classical and mathematical scholar, an honest moralist and a conscientious Roman Catholic Christian, who used to maintain to me with the most diverting seriousness and from the deepest conviction of his soul that Father Malebranche was the only metaphysician, and that Locke was the veriest pestilence of modern times. Locke was the father of the Encyclopaedists; Locke was the founder of the French Revolution and of all its horrors. I understand that there is a learned Theban laying it down to the people of France in the Moniteur, that all the miseries of mankind in the present age are imputable to the pretended reformation of Luther; and at Madrid a professor of mathematics

has commenced a course of lectures by announcing to his pupils that he shall omit all the higher branches of the science, because it has been proved by experience that they lead to Atheism. But if Julian, the genius, the conqueror, the philosopher, the master of the world, did but kick against the pricks when he undertook to restore the magnificent mythology of the Greeks, is it conceivable that the driveling dotards of this age can bring back the monkeries and mummeries of the twelfth century? Oh! No! Europe is tyrannized not by priests but by soldiers. It is overshadowed by a military despotism. Let the bayonets be taken away, and there will be no danger of the Jesuits.

A friend of mine has sent me a large parcel of Boston newspapers, mostly of the last days of June. By them and by other accounts I learn that Governor Brooks' speech has not given satisfaction to those who patronized his election. It is, however, such as I should have expected from the man before he was their candidate. His total silence upon the merits of his predecessor 1 is eloquence of the best kind. I always entertained a very respectful opinion of the character of General Brooks; but when I found him selected as the candidate of the Junto men, I could not avoid the suspicion that he had condescended, or would condescend, to some compromise of principle which could not fail to sink him in my estimation. He has steered clear of this rock in his speech. But he has a year of painful probation to go through, and with a prospect almost certain of being deserted by his supporters if he maintains his own independence. Since the peace it has evidently been the great struggle of the faction still calling themselves federalists, not as during the war to grasp or destroy the national government, but merely to maintain their own ascendency in the 1 Caleb Strong.

states where they had obtained it. They have, however, failed even of that in Vermont, New Hampshire, and New York. In Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Maryland, their majorities have dwindled almost into nothing. Should no national misfortune befall us I anticipate their complete overthrow in another year. It is hinted to me that the separation of the District of Maine will prolong their dominion perhaps a year or two more in the remnant of old Massachusetts; but as the new state will immediately be redeemed from their misgovernment, it will weaken them in the national councils and scatter their ranks nearly as much as if they were reduced to a minority in the whole Commonwealth.

If I were merely a man of Massachusetts I should deeply lament this dismemberment of my native state. But the longer I live the stronger I find my national feelings grow upon me, and the less of my affections are compassed by partial localities. My system of politics more and more inclines to strengthen the union and its government. It is directly the reverse of that professed by Mr. John Randolph, of relying principally upon the state governments. The effort of every one of the state governments would be to sway the whole union for its own local advantage. The doctrine is therefore politic enough for a citizen of the most powerful state in the union, but it is good for nothing for the weaker states, and pernicious for the whole. But it is the contemplation of our external relations that makes me specially anxious to strengthen our national government. The conduct and issue of the late war has undoubtedly raised our national character in the consideration of the world; but we ought also to be aware that it has multiplied and embittered our enemies. This nation is far more inveterate against us than it ever was before. All the restored governments of

Europe are deeply hostile to us. The Royalists everywhere detest and despise us as Republicans. All the victims and final vanquishers of the French Revolution abhor us as aiders and abettors of the French during their career of triumph. Wherever British influence extends it is busy to blacken us in every possible manner. In Spain the popular feeling is almost as keen against us as in England. Emperors, kings, princes, priests, all the privileged orders, all the establishments, all the votaries of legitimacy, eye us with the most rancorous hatred. Among the crowned heads the only friend we had was the Emperor Alexander, and his friendship has, I am afraid, been more than cooled. How long it will be possible for us to preserve peace with all Europe it is impossible to foresee. Of this I am sure, that we cannot be too well or too quickly prepared for a new conflict to support our rights and our interests. The tranquillity of Europe is precarious, it is liable to many sudden changes and great convulsions; but there is none in probable prospect which would give us more security than we now enjoy against the bursting of another storm upon ourselves. I can never join with my voice in the toast which I see in the papers attributed to one of our gallant naval commanders.1 I cannot ask of heaven success, even for my country, in a cause where she should be in the wrong. Fiat justitia, pareat cælum. My toast would be, may our country be always successful, but whether successful or otherwise always right. I disclaim as unsound all patriotism incompatible with the principles of eternal justice. But the truth is that the American union, while united, may be certain of success in every rightful cause, and may if it pleases never have any

coun

1 Stephen Decatur, who gave the toast at Norfolk, Va., April, 1816: "Our co try! In her intercourse with foreign nations, may she always be in the right; but our country, right or wrong."

but a rightful cause to maintain. They are at this moment the strongest nation upon the globe for every purpose of justice. May they be just to secure the favor of heaven, and wise to make a proper application of their strength. May they be armed in thunder for the defense of right, and selfshackled in eternal impotence for the support of wrong.

We have been much affected by the intelligence of the decease of Colonel Smith,1 following in such quick succession upon that of his two brothers. It has severely distressed his son, in whom I have an industrious, attentive and faithful assistant. He had been in some measure prepared for the event by the accounts he had previously received. The news of Mr. Dexter's 2 death came upon us sudden and unexpected. We first heard of it on the 5th of June. I had written him a long letter on the 14th of April, in answer to one that I had received from him by Captain Stuart. It must have arrived in America after his departure and I hope will not fall into improper hands.

I shall write as soon as possible to my dear mother. We are all in good health, only as I have been troubled with six weeks of holidays, my three boys are now beginning to complain of a relapse into the school headache. write by this opportunity for themselves.

I remain, etc.

They

1 William Stephens Smith, brother-in-law of John Quincy Adams, died at Lebanon, New York, June 10, 1816.

2 Samuel Dexter died at Athens, New York, May 3, 1816.