accustomed to mount guard in one of the antichambers of his holiness. illustrious lordship. He renews to your high- With equal violence the French troops rushed to the quarters of his holiness's noble To M. Lefebvre, French Chargé d'Affaires. guard, and seized the carbines which they made use of when they mounted guard in the apartment next to that of his holiness. A French officer then addressed the captain of the Swiss guards, and told him, as well as the few soldiers there assembled, that from that day, the Swiss guards were to receive their orders from the French general, to which they would not consent. The same order was communicated to the commander of the stationary guard, on duty at the barriers, who also refused to acknowledge it, and was in consequence immediately sent to the castle. In the meantime different French detach ments scoured the town, and arrested and carried to the castle all the noble guards, even including their commander. The holy father, apprised of these horrid outrages, overwhelmed by the grief which they have produced, has expressly ordered the undersigned to protest strongly against them, and to declare frankly to your illustrious lordship, that each day adds to the measure of the insults which are pouring on his sacred person, and that he is every day more and more deprived of his rights as a sovereign. No. VII. April 11, †808. surprise than grief, that his troops were forciWhen his holiness perceived, with no less bly incorporated with his French army, and that punishment was inflicted on such of them as remained faithful to their lawful sovereign, he thought it proper that his guards, the barriers, who were not yet incorporated" and the few militia of Campidoglio and of and placed under the command of the French general, should wear a new cockade. The object which his holiness had in thus licly, how much he disapproved the violent changing the cockade, was to signify, pubincorporation which took place, and to manifest his firm determination to remain neutral, tions of the incorporated soldiers, whom he and to be in no ways responsible for the acno longer considers as belonging to him. This reason was, by order of the holy father, and to all the diplomatic body, to whom, officially noticed to your illustrious lordship, according to the established usages, a pattern of the new cockade was sent. After a preliminary declaration of this It was not sufficient for the French army conceived that the purity of his intentions frank nature, his holiness never could have to signalise its entrance into Rome by planting would be calumniated by the circulation of a cannon against the palace of his holiness, report, that the new cockade was the signal and offering such unworthy violation to his of an union against the French army, as inresidence, but it has added to this violence, serted in the order of the day, which was by forcing the Swiss guard, and entering with yesterday published and posted in every quar arms into the peaceable abode of the Sove-ter of Rome, as well as in the provinces. reign Pontiff, rudely bursting open the doors, and seizing the arms rather intended for the honour than the defence of his sacred person, arresting his guards, and, in short, depriving him, by these violent measures, not only of his guards, but even his honour. His holiness requires, in the first place, that all the individuals of his guard who hare been imprisoned without any reason, and contrary to every principle of right, be liberated; and he afterwards declares solemnly, that to all these outrages he only opposes and will oppose patience, and, during the times such treatment may continue, that meekness of which his Heavenly Master has left him an example. His long imprisonment and the injustice which he has experienced, have made him a spectacle to the world, to angels, and to men. He awaits with resignation, but with an unshaken firmness in his principles, all that violence can attempt against the head of the Catholic church; well assured, that any humiliation he may receive will turn to the glory of religion itself. Such, precisely, are the sentiments which his holiness commands me to express to your this order was the consequence of the false The holy father is willing to believe that representations made to his Majesty the Emperor and King. In fact, if the real object which his holicommunicated to his Majesty, had he also ness had in changing the cockade had been been acquainted that the French military com mander had ordered it to be worn by all the incorporated troops, he surely would not have designated it as a signal of union against the French troops, since it was worn by those very troops who composed part of the French army. that the people of Rome and the whole world Although the holy father is well persuaded duct, and that he is also equally certain that will render justice to his pure and loyal conthe minister of a God of peace, possessing no no one will adopt the suspicions, by which malice, is pointed out as conceiving projects of revolution and blood; nevertheless, the. horrible colours in which an act of his Majes ty, the most innocent possible, is endeavoured to be represented, have afflicted him with such poignant grief, that he has ordered the ProSceretary of State, Cardinal Gabrielli, to com plain to your illustrious lordship, and to request you, in the name of all that is true, to acquaint his Majesty with the real point of view in which this change of the cockade should be considered. The holy father, always consistent, declares solemnly, that the Orders of the Day, pubJished and posted up, are highly injurious to his character, his dignity, and his rights, as Sovereign; that conformable with the right which every prince has, of making their troops wear whatever distinguishing marks they think proper, he ordered the new cockade, for the purpose of shewing the world that he no longer recognised as his, the troops who were incorporated with, and placed under the command of, the French; and that without having committed any crime, and only for having discharged their duty, in obeying their sovereign, the persons who composed his noble guards, and some other officers, have been imprisoned. To relieve the innocent, the holy father requires and claims their liberation, which he has hitherto demanded to no purpose, and which at present he claims again. The undersigned having faithfully performed the orders of his holiness, has the opportunity of renewing to your illustrious lordship, the assurance, &c.——CARDINAL GABRIELLI.-T. M. Lefebvre, French Chargé d'Affaires.' No. VIII. Copy of a Note from His Excellency M. de Champagny to His Excellency Cardinal Caprara The undersigned Minister for Foreign Affairs to his Majesty, the Emperor of the French King of Italy, has laid before his Majesty the note of his Excellency, Cardinal Caprara, and is directed to return the following answer : The emperor cannot recognize the principle that prelates are not subjects of the sovereign under whose dominion they were born. As to the second question, the proposition from which the emperor will not depart is, that all Italy, Rome, Naples, and Milan, shall make an offensive and defensive league, in order to keep that peninsula free from disorder and war. If the holy father accedes to this proposition, every thing is at an end. If he refuses, he announces by that determination that he dues not wish for any arrangement, any peace with the emperor, and that he declares war. The first result of war is conquest, and the first result of conquest is a change of government. If the emperor is forced to be at war with Rome, will he not in inaking it a conquest change the government, and establish another which will make common cause with the kingdoms of Italy and Naples against the cominon enemies? What guarantee would there be for the tranquility and security of Italy, if those two kingdoms were to be separated by a state where their enemies might continually calculate upon a certain point of assemblage? These changes, rendered necessary, if the holy father persists in his refusal, will not affect his spiritual rights, he will continue to be Bishop of Rome, as his predecessors were during eight centuries under Charlemagne. It will be, however, to his Majesty, a subject of grief to see imprudence, obstinacy, and blindness, destroy the work of genius and of enlightened policy. At the moment when the undersigned received orders to deliver this answer to Cardinal Caprara, he received the note which his eminence did him the honour to address to him on the 30th of March. This note has two objects, the first to announce the cessation of the holy see, which is notified contrary to ordinary forms and usages, and on the eve of the holy week, a time when the court of Rome, if it were still animated by a true evangelical spirit, would have thought it its duty to multiply its spiritual succours, and to preach, and shew by its example, union amongst the faithful, Although (the holy father having withdrawn the powers of his eminence) the emperor can no longer recognize him as legate, the Gallican church retains its doctrine, in all its integrity; its light and its piety will continue to preserve in France the Catholic religion, to cause which to be respected and defended, will always be the glory of the emperor. The second object of the note of his Eminence Cardinal Caprara is to demand his passports as ambassador. The undersigned has the honour to address them to him. His Majesty sees with regret this formal demand for passports, of which the use in modern times is to make a declaration of war. Rome is therefore at war with France, and in this state of things his Majesty has issued the necessary orders for the restoration of the tranquillity of Italy. The court of Rome in this conduct, and in choosing for this rupture a time when it might have believed its arms more powerful, may have been induced to look forward to other extremities; but the enlightened state of the age will arrest their effect. Temporal and spiritual power are no longer confounded; the royal dignity consecrated by God is above all attack. The undersigned hopes that the observations which he has received orders to transmit to his Eminence Cardinal Caprara, may determine the holy see to accede to the proposi tions of his Majesty. He has the honour to renew to his eminence the assurances of his highest consideration. (Signed) CHAMPAGNÝ. Paris, April 3, 1808. This note was replied to by that of Cardinal Gabrielli, dated April 19, already referred to. AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. From several hints dropped in the course of the present volume, the reader will perceive that our information has led us to consider the exertions of the Spaniards, to free themselves from the yoke prepared for them by Buonaparte, as meditated long before they broke out. This opinion has very lately been confirmed by Buonaparte himself in public papers presented to his senate. He attributes to a spirit of opposition, excited by Britain, and to the almost annihilation of the trade of Spain, in which Britain was a principal, of course, the bloody scenes of the second of May. He informs us, that long before this time, the agents of England were in activity. Abating the furor of his expressions against our island, there is much truth in what he says: but, we have reasons for believing, that his palitics were also penetrated by the Spaniards, and that certain individuals among them, anticipated his projects. If the British ministry were really the schemers of what has taken place; then, however honourable it may be to their dexterity as statesmen, more than one of our public officers is highly criminal: for the preparations to support their own plans were criminally tardy; this we speak from competent knowledge. But, if the honest part of the Spanish nation intended opposition, and awaited in silent gloom the favourable moment, then to them is the merit and the honour due, of whatever advantages their foresight confers on their country. It was our intention to have registered generally the productions of Spanish patriotisin, which for the most part do great honour to the literature, as well as to the spirit of the country. And we were the rather induced to this, because the difficulty of distinguishing such of these papers as were entitled to preservation has been so great, that even the British government printed an edition of them, which was afterwards cancelled, because the whole of its contents were not genuine one of the spurious papers was detected by the writer's impudence in demanding payment for his honest industry! We know also, that individuals, with the best intentions, have written proclamations, and caused them to be dispersed: these may not be classed among those which emanated from official authority; yet must not be con. demned en masse, since they originated in public spirit; and some of them bear marks of ability: they were intended to do good; and their intention shall protect them. To return:-The public documents furnished by the different provinces in Spain, have been so numerous, that we find ourselves reduced to the necessity of including a selection, only, and to render this selection VOL. IV. Lit. Pan. Supp.] intelligible, requires a connecting history of events: this we hope will he found satisfactory, as prescuted in the following pages, We have never pretended to accurate information on the events of the palace, by which the sovereign of Spain, Charles, and his son, Ferdinand, were placed in opposi tion to each other. All we know is, that no superabundance of truth is comprised in the papers published on occasion of the seizure of the Prince, of Asturias by his father; nor in the apology made by the Prince; and, that the willing cession of the crown by the old king to his son, was unwilling, he has assured the world at large. We believe that the Prince of Peace was the creature of Buonaparte, and for the sake of a few moments' continuance in miserable power, that statesman was content to crouch at the footstool of the would-be-universal monarch. Whether he was fully informed on the implacability of the upstart to the House of Bourbon, (finding that House intractable to his purposes), we do not know; if he were, his knavery, if not, his folly, deserves execration. We suspect that in the assumption of the crown by the Prince of Asturias, in direct opposition to the Prince of Peace, Buonaparte's plans upon Spain were foiled: yet, by the imbecillity of the minister, he had obtained so much influence in Spain, partly by cajoling Spaniards in high office, partly by the admission of his troops into the country, that each party found it necessary to court his good graces. The Prince of Peace hoped that Buonaparte, in consideration of past services, would protect and restore him: the old king flattered himself, that his resumption of authority would be patronised by the Gallic chief, because he had hitherto presented no obstacle to his intentions; the new king was partly forced, by the desire of pleading his own cause before the umpire to whom his father had appealed, and partly, by desire of detailing those advantages which might be expected from a new reign. Thus the scene of deception that ensued was complete. The Prince of Peace was deceived; for Buonaparte cared no more for him than for an old cast off shoe : the old king was deceived; for Buonaparte never intended that he should continue king, since he had other projects: the new king was déceived, since to adjudge the crown, under any cond tions, to a Bourbon, was far enough fom the policy of the crafty CorsiCan. But Buonaparte himself was most miserably deceived of all. Far enough from being tranquilized under the vexation he had recently suffered from seeing his schemes completely frustrated in the north, he turned his attention toward the south. Indignant at the repuls he had experienced on the Baltic, he adopted what he thought an infallible line of conduct for the peninsula. He enf the couraged the appearance of the two kings of Spain before him, at Bayonne: the very ineident that has ruined his plot! Since neither of them, nor any one of the partizans of either, has now the feeblest sensation of hope or fear, by which to be influenced; but the nation is left to her own intrinsic ener gies. Thus has he fallen into the pit he had digged. There are four aspects of these erents, worthy of separate consideration. 1. The progress and conduct of Buonaparte himself. 2. That of his brother Joseph, the intended king of Spain. 3. That of the old king of Spain, Charles. 4. That of the Spanish nation. Buonaparte, as our readers will recollect, began his attempt on Spain, by procuring a considerable body of Spanish troops (report said 40,000: but probably from 25,000 to 30,000) to be sent from Spain to the north of Germany. This answered two purposes, 1. it deprived Spain of so many national troops, and so far weakened her: 2. It afforded a number of hostages. We did suspect also, that, the regiments chosen were such as Buona parte thought most likely to thwart his plans, in case of opposition: but on inquiry, we have not been able to substantiate this suspicion. Buonaparte, there is reason to believe, intended to have entered Spain, in person, in order to consummate his schemes, but this he afterwards declined, being intent on other matters that concerned Germany and the north. He therefore sent Murat to Madrid, and ordered the Spanish kings to meet him at Bayonne. We inust own, that we thought him wise, since hereby he kept himself in safety: yet to this wisdom he owes his failure and it is very likely that had he visited Madrid, his adherents would have been inspirited; while the Spaniards would have been withheld from exertions, by the respect due to their kings. The quantity of troops marched by Buona parte into Spain, under the command of Murat, has been stated at 132,000 of all kinds it has never been estimated at less than 111,000, and this, exclusive of those employed in Catalonia, and in the passes on the east. This mass of military power alarmed the Spaniards: was it intended for their defence, why not entrust that to native troops? In fact, there was no enemy internal, or external, that could justify such immense preparations: and this too in the absence of a considerable portion of national strength. These armies, also, took routes for the most important of the Spanish fortresses, the dock vards, &c. against which no enemy was peculiarly active. The first explosion of Spanish resentment burst out May 2, at Madrid, where Murat commanded in person. The kings had quitted Spain at this time. Murat conducted himself à la Buonaparte, and massacred great numbers of Spaniards-unawares, perhaps, that at this very moment Spanish agents were forming communications between the provinces, and that this severity served as a signal for revolt, before the armies he had sent to different parts had reached their destination. And thus were the schemes of Buonaparte anticipated, by just time enough to counteract them. In the meanwhile, he himself at Bayonne, had given the most flattering reception to the Kings of Spain, and the grandees whom he had appointed, and to whom Murat had allotted guards of honour, in other words gaolers, to see them safely on their route to Bayonne. Ferdinand reached Bayonne, April 20, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. The French great officers went some distance to meet him: Napoleon received him with all the respect due to a crowned head; and with a profusion of protestations and promises. He covertly hinted to Ferdinand that as he could not retain the crown of Spain in quiet, his father being living, he had better accept a territory and principality in Italy, where he might enjoy himself, without disturbance. To this Ferdinand shewed so decided an aversion that Buonaparte was under the necessity of effecting his purpose by another mode. After a few days, the old King Charles, with his Queen, the Prince of Peace, and inany of the nobility, arrived at Bayonne and Buonaparte affected to be convinced of the injury done to this monarch, and obliged Ferdinand to restore the sovereignty to his father. Not that this upstart cared a fig for the father: but finding Ferdinand would not cede his right to the Spanish throne, he trusted that Charles would comply with his terrific requests on that subject. The event proved the justness of his expectations: Charles who had res linquished the crown once, to his son, as he said, through terror, now relinquished it again to Buonaparte, as he said, for the good of his subjects! Buonaparte thus authorized, kept the sovereignty in his pocket for a few days, till his brother Joseph, to whom it had been sometime before destined, arrived at Bayonne: and then he delivered it over to him. The royal family of Spain were disposed of by being sent to Fontaine. bleau, where the old king might hunt as much as he pleased whence he and his queen were removed to Compiegne, the Prince Ferdinand and Don Carlos, his brother, remaining under custody of Talleyrand, at his country seat, as is said. The acceptance of this dangerous deposit, has placed that crafty ex-priest in a situation, at which both his heart and his head tremble. The smallest mischance would cost him his life. But before the Spanish princes were conveyed from Bayonne, they made several attempts to | communicate with their friends in Spain: most of these failed; for the persons they were forced to employ were either traitors, who willingly surrendered what they were entrusted with, or were so closely watched as to be unable to effect their instructions. The only note of the kind, that reached its destination so far as we know, is that addressed to the Royal Assemblage at Oviedo. Its authenticity was long doubted, and even denied by our newspapers; but we have authority of the most respectable kind for believing it to be genuine. This communication arrived at the same time with intelligence of the slaughter at Madrid, on May 2, and, in combination, rouzed the spirit of the Asturians, whose cortes were then sitting, and these give the signal for insurrection, which immediately became general throughout the kingdoin. reception among his new subjects, he set out for Paris, like a knight errant of romance, in search of further adventures. We believe, that he was even ignorant of the extent of the insurrection against him, in Spain; and that he buoyed himself up with the hopes, that after a slight effervescence all would subside in his favour. One word more will dismiss our view of the conduct of this chief. He knew well, that the value of Spain to him depended on her colonies; he has betrayed his anxiety on their account in almost every paper he has published: but he knew that whether Spain should continue to enjoy them or not, did not depend on him or his brother: he therefore sent sir vessels with duplicates of proclamations, &c. &c. &c. to South America. Of these the tyrants of the seas" took five, before they could arrive at the places of their destination; and the purposes of the sixth were counteracted by intelligence of the state of affairs in Spain arriving closely after this dispatch. This has happened in more than one instance. throne of Spain, could now bind his successor by constitutional statutes. This legacy to his people he thus introduces. Naples, July 3.-The council of state specially assembled yesterday, to hear the following documents read: Proclamation. Meanwhile Buonaparte was occupied at Bayonne in forming the nobility, whose persons he had secured, into a representation of the Spanish nation. He ordered a general meeting of deputies from that nation to as- But our attention is due to Joseph; who semble at Bayonne the 15th of June: but on having sat on the throne of Naples (a very unthe 6th of that month the nomination of Jo- easy seat! while Sicily was in possession of a seph to the throne of Spain was announced: British force, Vide Panorama, Vol. IV. p. so that Buonaparte did not even wait to play 1248) for several years, had not during that off the farce, as he did to the Hollanders, of time, leisure to perfect the Neapolitan conobliging the Spaniards, after due consulta-stitution; but who, being appointed to the tion and mummery, to solicit the favour of having a Prince of the blood royal! of the Buonapartes, placed on their throne. This ready-mad king was presented to them, and they were commanded, nolens volens, to down on their knees and do him hommage. After this the farce of a Junta was held, to decide on a ready-cut-and-dried constitution for Spain, and after a few specimens of solemn officials, in discharging of which duty the statesmen concerned kept their countenances with difficulty, it was finished, just in time to be annulled by events. The errors of Buonaparte in this business appear to us to have been of two kinds: hurry and rashness. He hurried his troops into Spain before he had prepared the Spanish public for their re ception. He hurried the kings of Spain out of their own country before his brother Joseph was arrived to take their place. He hurried the nomination of his brother before the Spaniards had asked the favour of his sovereignty, and he hurried his constitution for Spain, before he had time to know what was necessary. Buonaparte's rashness was equal to his hurry he knew that he had other projects in agitation: for he had not yet made good his engagements with Russia; and the execution of the treaty of Tilsit had met with unexpected obstacles. He therefore got rid of Joseph I. (now king of Spain) with all dispatch; and without waiting to learn his Bayonne, June 23, 1808.-Joseph, king of Naples and Sicily, to the people of the kingdom of Naples: Providence, whose designs are inscrutable, having called us to the throne of Spain and the Indies, we have found ourselves in the cruel predicament of withdrawing ourselves from a people who had so many claims to our attachment, and whose happiness was our most gratifying. hope, and the only object of our ambition. He who alone can read the hearts of men, can judge of the sincerity of our sentiments, in opposition to which we have yielded to other impressions, and accepted a kingdom, the government of which has been put into our hands, in virtue of the renunciation of the rights to the crown of Spain, which our illustrious brother his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy had acquired. "In this important situation, considering that institutions are alone capable of dura tion, we reflected, with regret, that your social constitution was still imperfect, and thought that the further we had removed from you, so much the more incumbent upon as |