more especially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, have persevered in a course of measures, which necessarily put at hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing country, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an active commerce.

Other councils have prevailed. Our moderation and conciliation have had no other effect than to encourage perseverance, and to enlarge pretensions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily victims of lawless violence committed on the great common and highway of nations, even within sight of the country which owes them protection. We behold our vessels, freighted with the products of our soil and industry, or returning with the honest proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, confiscated by prize courts, no longer the organs of publick law, but the instruments of arbitrary edicts; and their unfortunate crews dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled, in British ports, into British fleets; whilst arguments are employed, in support of these aggressions, which have no foundation but in a principle, equally supporting a claim to regulate our external commerce, in all cases whatsoever.

We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state of war against the United States; and on the side of the United States, a state of peace towards Great Britain.

Whether the United States shall continue passive under these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs; or, opposing force to force in defence of their national rights, shall commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events; avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests or views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to concur in an honourable re-establishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn question, which the constitution wisely confides to the legislative department of the government. · In recommending it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance, that the decision will be worthy the enlightened and patriotick councils of a virtuous, a free and a powerful

nation.

I

Having presented this view of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative growing out of them, I proceed to remark that the communications last made to Congress on the subject of our relations with France, will have shown, that since the revocation of her decrees, as they violated the neutral rights of the United States, her government has authorized illegal captures, by its privateers and publick ships; and that other outrages have been practised on our vessels and our citizens. It will have been seen also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily pledged, for the extensive spoliations committed under the violent and retrospective orders of the French government, against the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France. I abstain at this time from recommending to the consideration of Congress, definitive measures with respect to that nation, in the expectation, that the result of unclosed discussions between our minister plenipotentiary at Paris and the French government, will speedily enable Congress to decide, with greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, and the honour of our country. JAMES MADISON.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. FOSTER AND MR. MONROE,

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroc. Washington, April 15, 1812.

SIR,

I HAVE the honour to acquaint you, that in addition to those seamen belonging to his majesty's hired armed ketch Gleaner, mentioned in my representation to you of the 30th ult. who lately received protection in the violation of their engagements, or were seduced from the service of his majesty by citizens of the United States, I have since been informed by lieut. Green, her commander, of another subject of his majesty, who was also induced to leave his majesty's service in consequence of encouragement to that effect from the inhabitants of Annapolis.

Such instances, sir, of improper attempts made on the part of citizens of the United States to deprive his majesty's ships, even when employed in the diplomatick intercourse between the two countries, of their seamen, will serve, in conjunction with many others in my power to quote, and perhaps in your remembrance, to show, that if the United States have reason at times to complain of irregularities in his majesty's officers in undesignedly taking their seamen, mistaking them for their own, we have occasionally also reason to make complaint of our seamen engaged on national service, and known as British subjects, being seduced from their allegiance by citizens of the United States, with circumstances of aggravation and insult highly irritating.

Although, sir, it has unfortunately not as yet been found practicable by our governments to agree to such arrangements as might preclude the possibility of events taking place so calculated to produce vexation on either side; I cannot however but hope, that the government of the United States may find some means to prevent a recurrence of similar irregularities on the part of their citizens; and I assure you, sir, that as hitherto, so at all times whenever you claim any persons on board any of his majesty's ships, as native American citizens, no exertion shall be wanting on my part to procure their discharge; and I will add, that it would afford me very high satisfaction to be now furnished by you with a list of all those whom you can claim as such, in order that I might use every effort in my power to obtain their immediate release.

You need not, I am sure, sir, be reminded by me of the prompt attention which has invariably been given by his majesty's commanding officer on the Halifax station to the reclamations in similar cases, which I have transmitted since my arrival in the United States to him in your name, nor of the readiness with which he has given directions, when practicable, for their being instantaneously discharged. I have the honour, &c.

(Signed)

AUG. J. FOSTER.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. Department of State, May 30, 1812.

SIR,

HAVING had the honour to confer with you soon after the date of your letter of April 15th, relative to a deserter from his Britannic majesty's ship of war the Gleaner, it is unne◄ cessary to repeat here the remarks which I then made on that subject. I shall only observe, that none of the men who deserted from that vessel had any encouragement to do it from the constituted authorities of the United States, or of the state of Maryland. If they received such encouragement from any of our citizens, it is a cause of regret ; but it is an act not cognizable by our laws, any more than it is presumed to be by those of Great Britain.

It is proper to state that a similar desertion took place last year from an American frigate in an English port, in which no redress was afforded. It was the more remarkable, as the deserter took refuge on board a British ship of war, the commander of which refused to surrender him on being requested to do so.

Your proffered exertions to procure the discharge of native American citizens from on board British ships of war, of which you desire a list, has not escaped attention.

It is impossible for the United States to discriminate between their native and naturalized citizens, nor ought your government to expeet it, as it makes no such discrimination itself. There is in this office a list of several thousand American seamen who have been impressed into the British service, for whose release applications have, from time to time, been already made. Of this list a copy shall be afforded you, to take advantage of any good offices you may be able to render. I have, &c.

(Signed)

JAMES MONROE.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. MONROE AND MR. RUS

SELL.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Russell. Department of State, July 27, 1811.

SIR,

THIS letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Barlow, who is appointed to represent the united States at Paris, as their minister plenipotentiary. You will deliver to him the papers in your possession, and give him all the information in your power, relative to our affairs with the French government.

The President has instructed me to communicate to you, his approbation of your conduct in the discharge of the duties which devolved on you as charge d'affairs at Paris, after the departure of general Armstrong, which I execute with pleasure. As an evidence of his confidence and favourable disposition, he has appointed you to the same trust in London, for which I enclose you a commission. It is hoped that it may suit your convenience to repair to that court, and to remain there till a minister shall be appointed, which will be done as soon as the Congress convenes. The frigate which takes Mr. Barlow to France will pass on to some port in Holland, to execute a particular instruction from the secretary of the treasury, relative to our debt in that country. She will then return to France, and take you to such English port as may be most convenient to you.

Your services in France will have given you such knowledge of your duties at London, that I shall not go into detail in this communication respecting them. It is wished and expected that you and Mr. Barlow will commuuicate fully on the subject of your respective duties, and cooperate together in the measures which are deemed necessary to promote the just objects of the United States with the countries in which you will respectively represent them.

You will receive a copy of the notes of Mr. Foster on several important topicks, and my answers to them, particularly on the British orders in council, the possession