he should have been able to take part in the duties of the field. He had fallen gloriously afterwards at the head of his column, maintaining a position, which, if it had not been kept, would have altered the fate of the day; and its issue might have been different from that which now occasioned such well-founded rejoicings. He repeated his wish that his body should be interred in the Cathedral where the monument was to be erected, and suggested that some of the distinctions conferred on him should be extended to his family. the battle of the Nile, a patriotic individual caused a number of such medals to be struck and so distributed; and he had heard from many officers that the effect produced by them was of the most gratifying kind. Many of those gallant men who had shared in that battle, when dying in a foreign land, had expressed in their last moments the most anxious solicitude about the disposition of those medals, the record of their services on that glorious day: some wished that it should be buried with them, others that it should be carefully transmitted to their families; but all of them placed more value upon that small medal than on any other property which they happened to possess. He thought, therefore, that it would tend to nourish a noble spirit of emulation and heroic pride, if similar tokens in commemoration of the battle of Waterloo were struck and distributed. Lord Castlereagh said, that the suggestion of the hon. member, as to the erection of distinct monuments to the memory of sir Thomas Picton and sir W. Ponsonby, was one that the House might readily accede to, as they had only one object in view, that of distinguishing the eminent services of those lamented officers. He would therefore subjoin, as an amendment to the motion, "and that funeral monuments be also erected in memory of each of those two officers in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, London.” Mr. Wynn. And that the names of those who fell be inscribed on the National Monument. Lord Castlereagh. That had better be left for arrangement in the execution of the plan. General Gascoyne suggested the propriety of interring the body of sir Thomas Picton, which had been brought over to this country, in the Cathedral where a monument was to be raised to his me. mory. On the day previous to the great victory of the 18th, he had been dangerously wounded. From the moment he had left this country, till he joined the army, he had never entered any bed; he had scarcely given himself time to take any refreshment, so eager was he in the performance of his duty. After the severe wound which he had received, he would have been justified in not engaging in the action of the 18th. His body, he understood, was not only blackened by it, but swelled to a considerable degree; and those who had seen him, wondered that Mr. W. Smith expressed his concurrence in the motion, and hoped the suggestion of his hon. friend (Mr. Wynn) would be adopted, for recording the names of all who had fallen. It would have the best possible effect, and might be done with little difficulty. They knew that some of the most famous actions of antiquity were so recorded, and the record had even come down to the present age. He must again repeat what he had pressed upon the House on a former night, that he hoped a palace would be erected for the duke of Wellington, and that Parliament would not be contented with merely purchasing for him a house which had been built for some other individual. Mr. Wilberforce said, he agreed with the sentiments expressed by his hon. friend, and that if a ready-made mansion was provided for the duke of Wellington, it would not, in his opinion, mark that full tide of national gratitude which would be conveyed by the erection of a palace, specifically in honour of his great and meritorious services. They would act much more wisely in erecting a palace, even though it should cost somewhat more; they and their posterity, in fact, would be the gainers: for it should be recollected, that in building such a palace, it would be done, not to gratify the duke of Wellington merely, not to acquit themselves of the debt of gratitude they owed him, or to gratify their own feelings, but to show to all the world, that when a great man, selected by Providence, became the instrument and means of con ferring signal blessings on mankind, such a man was to be honoured from first to last. With respect to the motion before the House, it had his entire support. Mr. Alderman Smith observed, that there were several large buildings in the country in which national monuments might be erected, and among them was the church of St. Alban's, Even Mr. Bankes had every wish to do justice | gentlemen had addressed the House on to the memory of those brave men to whom the country was so deeply indebted for their glorious services in the late victory. From whence, he asked, could the ornamental part of the National Monument which was about to be erected, be better derived than from that centre of the enemy's country to which the march of their brave comrades was directed? To that capital which he trusted was, ere now, in the possession of the illustrious Wellington, Paris, twice in the possession of conquerors, ought not to be allowed to retain the plunder which the French had, for so many years, been gathering from the whole of civilized Europe. She ought to be compelled to refund a portion; and no occasion could be so fitting for the employment of it, as the commemoration of the fall of a tyranny oppressive to France itself, and the achievement of a victory glorious to Great Britain. this subject, yet, in obedience to his feelings, could not allow the question to be put without saying a few words in reference to a gallant and lamented friend, sir Alexander Gordon, who had gloriously fallen in the late memorable contest. He should not enter into any minute description of those qualities in private life which endeared that brave man to all who had had the happiness of his friendship. if his present feelings would permit him to do so, he would abstain from dwelling on that part of his character. The death of such an officer was a national loss. Although only 29 years of age, his career, short as it had been, had been one of the most active and arduous duty. During the last ten years, his services had been incessant; and he could confidently appeal to all who were acquainted with the British army, whether, among the promising young men with whom it aboundMr. Maurice Fitzgerald, although per-ed, there was one more eminent for his fectly disposed to afford every honour to the memory of our brave heroes, differed completely from the hon. gentleman who had just sat down as to the mode of accomplishing that object. He could not agree that a national monument to our own army should be ornamented by pillage from the capital of another country. If that pillage were to be surrendered, let it be given to those countries to which it originally belonged. Our intrinsic glory ought not to be diminished by following the example of France; but if that example were followed, let the monument be ornamented with the cannon which were captured in the battle. If he wanted any authority to condemn such a proposition as that made by the hon. gentleman, helization than any military achievement of thought he could derive it from the illustrious individual at the head of our troops. On the duke of Wellington's having been very recently reminded, that on the last occasion on which the English army entered France, they behaved with extreme delicacy towards that country; his answer was, "I promise you that if it is in my power they shall behave with equal delicacy now;" a magnanimous declaration, which did as much honour to the man as to the soldier. He strongly recommended, that as the merits of the three countries had been equal in the late battle, a national monument should be erected in Edinburgh, and another in Dublin, as well as that proposed to be erected in London. Mr. C. Grant, although so many hon. zeal, more distinguished for his reputation, or more fully possessed of the confidence of the illustrious chief under whom he served, than the gallant officer to whose memory he was, on this occasion, anxious to pay this tribute, unworthy as he felt it to be of his object-[Hear, hear!]. He would not expatiate on the consolations by which the grief of the country on the loss of so many of her brave sons ought to be moderated, but content himself with saying, that, valuable as were the lives which had been sacrificed, they had been sacrificed for the acquisition of a victory almost unparalleled in the annals of the world-a victory which promised more benefit to the cause of humanity and civi modern or ancient occurrence; closing, as it did, operations which had crowded into a few weeks, events that would have been considered most brilliant, had they been the results of many successive campaigns-[Hear, hear!] Sir C. Burrell observed, that if, instead of purchasing a mansion, a palace worthy of the illustrious individual who was to inhabit it were to be erected, he would be kept 12, 15, or 20 years without any resi dence while it was building. Mr. Wilberforce, in allusion to what had fallen from the hon. gentleman who spoke last, begged to be allowed to say, that he was sure the duke of Wellington would derive the greatest pleasure from observing the gradual growth of the building that national gratitude would erect for him. The motion was agreed to, nem. con. into an historical detail of the negociations between the Government and the Bank in the years 1791, 1799, 1804, and 1808; maintaining that at the two last-named. STAMP DUTIES BILL.] The House hav-periods no reference had been had to the ing resolved itself into a Committee on the Stamp Duties Bill, greatly increased circulation of Bank-ofEngland paper. The public having lost so much already, he could not conceive on what principle Parliament could now be called upon to give the Bank an additional bonus. Yet such would be the effect if his right hon. friend's proposition were adopted. If the average of paper in circulation were taken for the last three years, as proposed by his right hon. friend, it would produce 87,500l. If the average were taken of the paper of one year, as proposed by him (Mr. Grenfell), it would amount to 99,000l. for the notes, besides a large sum for the Bank Post-bills, which the absence of the necessary documents rendered it impossible for him to calculate with accuracy. He could see no reason why the Bank of England should enjoy any greater advantage on this subject than a private banker; and even if his propo The Chancellor of the Exchequer proceeded to state his intentions with respect to the various objects comprehended in the measure. In the clause which related to the composition to be paid by the Bank of England for the exemption of their paper from the Stamp-duty, he meant to propose no alteration. The next subject was the duty on Probates; and as it had been considered a hardship that it should operate on the whole of the effects of the deceased, instead of on the balance after the debts were paid, he intended to propose a drawback to remedy this grievance for the present, although he felt that the whole of this subject was one which must soon undergo parliamentary investigation, with a view to a general arrangement of it. There were two subjects remaining one, the licences for the issuing of promis-sition were adopted, they would still have sory-notes, which he was content to aban. don in this instance, meaning to bring the consideration of them before the House in the next session; the other, the stamps on law proceedings in Scotland, which he proposed to remain as they now stood in the Bill. On the reading of the first clause, relating to the Bank Composition, He re an advantage, as the private banker must pay duty on the notes which he issued, and not on those only in circulation, although he might not circulate nearly as many as he obtained stamps for. The hon. gentleman concluded by moving an amendment to the clause, substituting the average of one year for the average of three years, and providing that the notes should be distinguished into classes of different value, &c. The Chancellor of the Exchequer did not consider that Mr. Pitt's principle of arrangement had been materially departed from either by lord Sidmouth or Mr. Perceval. When the Bank stopped payments in cash, it was thought by Mr. Grenfell observed, that he agreed with his right hon. friend on the principle of the proposed composition, and differed from him only as to its extent. peated his former statement, that by the neglect of his right hon. friend's two predecessors on this subject, the public had sustained a loss, and the Bank had gained an undue profit, which, correctly calcu-writers that the outstanding notes amounted lated from the documents on the table, amounted to no less a sum than 534,1831. He was happy to make this declaration in the presence of a great number of the Bank Directors; by whom, if unfounded, it would no doubt be controverted. The hon. gentleman proceeded to contend, that up to the year 1799 the composition was fairly estimated, with respect both to the Bank and to the public, but that from the year 1799 to the present moment those circumstances had been overlooked, which had occasioned the loss to the public that he had already mentioned; and in support of this argument, he entered (VOL. XXXI.) to 20,000,000, whereas they were only 12,000,000. The difference between the arrangements was, that the former one was permanent, and the present fluctuating, according to the notes in circulation. He considered himself wholly responsible for this arrangement, such as it stood. He had offered terms consistent with the public advantage, and with the faith of Parliament. The right hon. gentleman contended, that it was vain to enter into an examination as to the equality of charge upon the Bank as compared with what might be paid by private bankers. It was impossible to institute such a com◄ (3 Y) parison, because there was no similarity in the situation of the parties. No private bankers could accommodate Government with the advances made by the Bank of England. The principle on which he had proceeded was, that the public were en titled to as full a composition as was consistent with these indulgencies, the continuance of which the Bank had well merited. He had adopted a triennial average in preference to any other, and, upon the whole, conceived a very advan tageous bargain had been concluded, as compared with the former arrangement, without at the same time pushing the Bank to that extreme of concession which was irreconcileable with the system bitherto pursued. on it, it had been, forgotten that three millions were lent by the Bank to Government without any interest, and another three millions at only three per cent. There ought not to be any composition on these six millions. Mr. Forbes said, that on the principle laid down by the preceding speaker, all discussion of the present Bill was unnecessary. With regard to the three millions lent to Government without interest, those three millions made only part of eleven millions of public balances in the hands of the Bank, Mr. Thornton thought, that enough had been said in defence of the agreement made between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Bank, to render it unnecessary for him to trouble the committee with any observations. Indeed, he despaired of making any impression on the honourable members opposite to him, as they received every thing that came from any gentleman connected with the Bank with great prejudice, though he could assure them he endeavoured to discharge his duty with uprightness and impartiality between the public and the great corpora tion for which he was a trustee. Sup Mr. Bankes thought it a strange fancy represent the loans at low interest advanced by the Bank as a sort of payment for the licence of trading. The public, in his opinion, paid sufficiently, and even extravagantly for the accommodation, and for the general transaction of its business. All that could be urged in favour of the existing system, was the excellence of the security. But he must object to the use of the word composition,' as not expressive of the true idea that ought to prevail.posing him, however, to err by leaning to In the Act of Parliament which recognized the present settlement, the word was ' compensation,' and the ordinary convertible term of that word was equivalent.' He could see no reason why the Chancellor of the Exchequer should adhere to an erroneous system. When the compensation was first fixed, it was not in the contemplation of Mr. Pitt, or of Parliament, to give any advantage to the Bank; they ought, indeed, rather to pay more than less than other bankers, for the advantage of not being put to the trouble of stamping every note. The Bank ought not to shelter themselves under an unfair construction of former Acts of Parliament. He considered the taking the average as advantageous for the Bank. That opulent body would, he thought, be acting more fairly and honourably by the public, if they did not attempt to claim any exemption from the common burthens of the country. Mr. B. Shaw contended, that the Bank had acted, not only fairly and honourably, but liberally towards the public. He insisted on the danger of opening transactions entered into by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. In stating the amount of Bank paper in circulation, and the duty the side of the Bank, he was certainly met by a more than equal zeal, and he might say prejudice, by the gentlemen on the other side. He then defended the agree ment made at different times for a compensation in the stead of stamp-duties, and gave some explanations respecting the renewal of the charter, and the privileges it gave. On the present occasion a new principle had been agreed upon between the Government and the Bank, which raised the compensation to 87,500l. a year. It was proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and acquiesced in by the Bank. Would the House annul such a contract for the sake of gaining 4,000l. a year, when they considered the immense transactions the public had with the Bank, and how important it was to maintain its character and credit? Was it nothing to refuse to ratify what the executive government had thought reasonable and just? He then showed some errors in Mr. Grenfell's calculations respecting the profits of the Bank, and sat down with an assurance that the House would always find the directors liberal and fair in their dealings with the public. Mr. Mellish made some observations upon the calculations of Mr. Grenfell, which he could not agree with. He considered, that it would be fairer to take an average of three years, as was the case in the Property-tax, than to fix upon the last year, which was one when the issues were uncommonly great. Whether, however, the sum was 91,000l. or 87,000l. the difference would not be a material object to the Bank. Mr. Grenfell, in explanation, said, that 99,5721. would be the proportion that the Bank ought, in his opinion, to pay on acHe count of the issues of the last year. should, however, abstain from entering more fully into the subject, as the regular discussion would come on on Monday. Mr. Finlay thought the Bank ought to contribute in the proportion of all other classes of subjects. Lord A. Hamilton said, if it had not been for his hon. friend (Mr. Grenfell), this subject would never have come before them; and he had thereby been the means of rendering a most signal service to the country. General Thornton expressed his regret at the frequent attacks made upon the Bank in that House, as being injurious to that establishment, and consequently to the public. He also thought that the gentlemen on the ministerial side were too much in the habit of giving way to such attacks. The honourable general supported the motion. [1063 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ESTATE BILL.] The House having resolved itself into a committee on the Duke of Wellington's Estate Bill, Mr. Lushington proposed a clause, providing that the illustrious Duke, his heirs, and his successors, should hold the estate and mansion, voted by Parlia ment, on condition that a tri-coloured flag should be annually presented, on the 18th of June, to his Majesty or his descendants, at the Castle of Windsor. The clause was agreed to, and the report ordered to be received to-morrow. HOUSE OF LORDS. Friday, June 30. PARISH APPRENTICES.] The Marquis of Lansdowne, in moving the commitment of the Parish Apprentice Bill, said, it was known that great abuses had existed in the apprenticing of parish children, in places far distan from their place of birth, and where he were removed from all their friends, and from the superintendence of any one who took an interest in their fate. The object of the present Bill was to limit the distance to which these children could be sent, to 40 miles. This limitation had been thought by a noble and learned lord too strict, and that noble lord had thought that a less strict limitation, but with a provision for the superintendence of the justices of peace, would be more advisable. He should move that the Bill be committed, The House then divided.-For the mo A conversation and the amendment proposed by the noble tion, 32; Against it, 12. then took place, between the Chancellor and learned lord being introduced, he of the Exchequer and Messrs. Mellish, should move that it be reported and Preston, Grenfell, Huskisson, and Forbes, printed, with the intention of suffering it as to the right which should be vested in to stand over to the next session, so that in the mean time it would be open to the inParliament to form a new arrangement, It spection of the magistrates who were best when it might be deemed necessary. was terminated by the Committee agree- informed on this subject, especially those ing, on the suggestion of the Chancellor of of the Manchester district. the Exchequer, to leave certain words out of the clause, by which the proposed object would be attained.-On the clause, relative to licences for Scotch bankers being read, Mr. Forbes proposed an amendment, for the purpose of placing the private banks in Scotland in the same situation, with respect to licences, as the chartered banks. This gave rise to a conver sation, which was ended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer agreeing to postpone the original clause, until some gentlemen, connected with the chartered banks of Scotland, were present. The chairman then reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow: The Bill then went through a committee, was reported, and ordered to be printed. FOREIGN SLAVE TRADE BILL.] The Marquis of Lansdowne moved, that the report of the Foreign Slave Trade Bill be brought up. The Earl of Westmoreland opposed the motion, on the ground that the crime against which it professed to provide was not even shown to exist. The Bill would implicate persons who might be innocent of any criminal intention, and the offence was to be tried before the Admiralty tribunals abroad, which were often very im |