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tution, at the period alluded to, was not in | men-midwives-[a laugh]. But this was existence that was only one specimen. not the only absurdity in this Bill, which All the charges were entirely groundless. was, in fact, altogether in such a state With respect to the sums stated to have that it ought not to pass. This, however, been paid by Government in consequence was only one specimen of the crude bills, of the interference of the African Institu- barrow-fulls of which were SO often tion with the slave ships of Portugal, and brought before the House, of late years, at a similar claim set up by Spain on that the close of a session, in the sinister hope, account, the fact was, that they had never no doubt, that they would be allowed to interfered with Spain, and the transaction pass without observation. with regard to Portugal was altogether. mis stated. It was acknowledged by an hon. friend of his (Mr. Barham), that there was no such thing as marriage among the West-India slaves. In Africa these people married-in St. Domingo, marriage was as prevalent as in any other community on earth. He believed that the Bill would be productive of the most extensive reform.

The Bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time, and printed.

BREAD ASSIZE REPEAL BILL.] Mr. F. Lewis moved the third reading of the e Bread Assize Repeal Bill.

General Thornton wished the hon. mover of the Bill to consent to lower the penalty against the use of alum.

Mr. F. Lewis said, his object had been to incorporate, as nearly as possible, into his Bill, all the different provisions of the several Assize acts respecting false weight and adulteration. A person well informed on the subject had told him, that there was not one baker in London who did not make use of alum. In all cases this was a dangerous mixture-but to children, in particular, it was extremely prejudicial. The penalty could not exceed 201., but it was in the power of the magistrate to lower it.

After a few words from Mr. Alderman C. Smith and sir G. Noel, the Bill was read a third time, and passed.

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The Lord Chancellor observed, that from the provisions of this Bill, which proposed a penalty of 301. upon any one who practised as a surgeon without being admitted to the College of Surgeons, he very much feared that if it were passed in its present state, there were many parts of the country in which the people would be without any medical assistance whatever.

The Earl of Liverpool apprehended, from the construction of this Bill, that no private individual could administer any medical relief, or even draw teeth, or bleed in his own family, without being subject to the proposed penalty; therefore, he could not assent to the passing of the Bill in its present state; yet, from a consideration for the respectable body with whom it originated, he did not wish to propose its immediate rejection, but rather that it should be allowed to pass through a committee, and then let it stand over until the next session, in order to afford to its authors an opportunity of re-examining its provisions, and modifying its character. The Bill was accordingly ordered to be committed.

Earl

STAMP-DUTY ON NEWSPAPERS.] Stanhope, alluding to the Bill on the table proposing an additional Stamp-duty upon Advertisements inserted in the Newspapers, and upon Newspapers, animadverted strongly upon this measure; conceiving it calculated to reduce the revenue, to interfere with the interests of trade, and to impede the liberty of the press. Therefore the noble earl gave notice of his intention on these grounds to oppose its farther progress.

IRISH SPIRITS-DUTY BILL.] Their lordships having resolved into a committee on this Bill,

The Earl of Donoughmore forcibly impressed upon the consideration of their lordships the propriety of affording time to those peculiarly interested in the measure to examine its character, and to communicate their opinions upon the sub

ject. If that time were afforded, he was assured that numerous petitions against this Bill would be presented to the House from various parts of Ireland, and from a class of persons whose respectability entitled them to the utmost attention. That such petitions had not been already presented that no public complaint had been made against this extraordinary measure, was easily accounted for. The Bill passed through the other House sub silentio, either through some omission, or misunderstand ing of its character, or rather, perhaps, because those Irish members who were most diligent in their attention, and active in their exertion to protect the interest of their country upon such subjects, had returned to Ireland before this Bill was brought forward. But from the peculiar hurry with which this Bill was pressed through the other House, one could not feel so much surprise that it had happened to escape any observation-for the fact was, that only six days elapsed from its original introduction to its final adoption by that House. Thus, those who were interested in Ireland were not allowed sufficient time to communicate with their representatives upon the subject; and this, the noble lord observed, was a notable way of legislating for Ireland; first, to postpone the introduction of a measure materially affecting the interest of that country until a late period of the session, when the most effective of the Irish representatives had returned to their country; and next, so to precipitate the progress of the measure that the Irish public should hardly be aware of its proposition until informed of its enactment. Such a course might serve to obviate parliamentary opposition, but he could not think that it would ever tend to con

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composed, he had no hesitation in pronouncing extremely unjust. Such a proposition was not warranted by any precedent in Great Britain or Ireland. I would, indeed, serve to carry the system of taxing stock on hand much farther that had ever yet been heard of, under any rationally regulated government. by this extraordinary measure, a very considerable sum would be at once taken out of the pockets of those who had spirits on hand in Ireland. But what aggravates the grievance, was the application of a system to Ireland which was totally inconsistent with the English principle of taxation. For in this country no additional duty had ever been extended to the stock in hand of spirits. Why this distinction between the two countries? And how happened it that ever since the Union hardly a session passed over with out some change in the law with respect to the Irish distillery, accompanied, too, in every instance except one, with an increase of duty, while the regulations with respect to the distillery of England were left undisturbed? Surely, then, the Irish concerned in this important branch of trade had reason to complain of such a system. But he hoped that when the expected consolidation of the two Trea suries should take place, the English prisciple of taxation would be extended, to Ireland, at least upon this subject, and that the Irish would be more equitably dealt with than they had generally been heretofore.

The Earl of Liverpool expressed his entire concurrence with the noble earl, as to the respectability of the persons alluded to, and as to their title to the attention of that House, if they could make out a case against the Bill under consideration; but he could not agree with the noble earl as to the ground of his objections to this measure. The noble earl's main objection was, it appeared, to the proposed extension of the additional duty to the stock-in-hand spirits. But the extension of a new duty upon any article to the stock in hand, was a principle uniformly recognised in taxation, not only in Great Britain but in Ireland. There were, in

ciliate public opinion. The measure under consideration would, he was persuaded, create a great deal of dissatisfaction in Ireland, for it proceeded to an extent of, taxation never before contemplated. It proposed, not only to subject all spirits distilled after the passing of the Act to a duty of 6d. per gallon, but to impose that addition upon the stock on hand. Nay, it went further, for it would impose an additional duty of three-half-deed, four precedents of the stock-in-hand pence per gallon on the stock in hand of spirits, in consequence of the additional duty upon malt. But thus to subject the stock on hand of any article to an additional duty in consequence of a tax upon one of the ingredients of which it was

spirits being taxed in Ireland, as appeared from the Acts of the 44th, 46th, 48th, and 52nd of the King, some of which Acts passed while the noble earl himself was at the head of the Revenue department in Ireland. Then the adoption of this

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principle could not be deemed any innovation with respect to the Irish distillery; and it was generally acted upon in this country for instance, when any augmentation of the tax upon wine took place, such augmentation was extended to the stock on hand. It was, no doubt, true, that this principle was not acted upon with respect to spirits in England, for this plain reata son, that here the tax was not imposed upon the spirits, but upon the wash. But the general principle itself rested upon grounds of obvious equity-for when the duty upon an article was advanced, the holder of any stock of that article had the power T: (which he generally exercised) of charging that advance to the consumer. Hence, I upon any advance of duty, that duty was extended to the stock on hand, because it 九 was the policy and the duty of the Legislature to provide, that what the consumer paid in consequence of the increased tax, should come into the pocket of the public. If, however, it should turn out, in the case before the House, that the Irish distiller or spirit-bolder should be unable to obtain the advanced duty upon his stock in hand, from the consumer, it would, no doubt, become the duty of the Legislature to take that into consideration and to afford due redress. But it would be utterly inconsistent with the policy and practice of Parliament, to accede to the exemption required by the noble lord, at the moment when the tax was about to be imposed. With respect to the noble earl's concluding observation, he (lord L.) trusted that when the two Treasuries of Great Britain and Ireland should be consolidated, such a measure, arranged with due caution, would be found exceedingly advantageous to all parties; and that the Irish public would be peculiarly benefited by its operation. Care would, no doubt, be taken in regulating the taxation, to pay due regard to local circumstances, and that the principle of the measure in contemplation should be equally fair towards Great Britain and Ireland. That both countries should be under the direction of the same board, was obviously the best mode of securing to each the administration of the same principles.

The Earl of Donoughmore said, that as to his connexion with the Excise in Ireland, when some of the Acts were passed to which the noble Secretary referred, he had only to observe, that the Commissioners of Revenue were not consulted by Government upon the imposition of duties, (VOL. XXXL)

those Commissioners being only the executive authority, to have the collection of such duties duly enforced. It had been always his opinion, that a much more extensive share of power and of responsibility ought to have been left in the hands of the Irish Boards of Revenue than they had been suffered to possess for the few last years. He reminded the noble earl, that it was from a difference of opinion between him (lord D.), as the then head of both the Boards of Revenue in Ireland, and a right hon. gentleman who was the last Irish Secretary of the Treasury there, as to their respective rights and departments, that an end was put to that situation, which was from thenceforward merged in the situation of First Lord of the English Treasury. But were

he consulted upon the establishment of those precedents, they should certainly have met his decided disapprobation; for he never should have agreed to extend a duty upon spirits to the stock in hand. Such a proposition was, indeed, never made previous to the Union. As to the reason assigned by the noble Secretary for not subjecting the stock on hand of English spirits to any additional duty, applied to the English distillery, that reason appeared to him (lord D.) to have no force whatever. For the proportion. of wash necessary to make a certain quantity of spirits being duly ascertained, he could see no ground for the distinction maintained by the noble Secretary, or why, because the tax was laid upon wash in this country, the stock on hand of spirits should be untouched, especially according to the noble Secretary's argument in support of what he alleged to be an ununiformly-recognized principle of taxation. But still less could he admit the justice of the noble Secretary's distinc tion, when he recollected that in the measure under consideration it was proposed to subject the stock-in-hand spirits to an additional duty, in consequence of a tax upon malt, the addition upon the former being calculated according to the proportion of the latter, necessary in the production of a certain quantity of spirits. With this view of the subject, he was quite astonished at the nature of the noble Secretary's observation, or how he could deem it fair to apply a principle of taxation to Ireland, so different from that which prevailed in this country. When, however, the great measure of consoli dating the two Treasuries should take (4 D)

place, be trusted that this unjust distinction would be done away, and that the present would be the last deviation from the English principle of taxation which Ireland would be condemned to experience. The noble lord concluded with stating, that he would not divide the committee upon this subject, but he hoped that his suggestions would be duly considered.

The Bill went through the Committee.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, July 6.

ANSWER OF THE DUKE OF YORK TO THE VOTE OF THANKS.] Mr. Speaker acquainted the House, that he had received from Field Marshal his Royal Highness the Duke of York the following Letter in return to the Thanks of this House, signified to him by Mr. Speaker, in obedience to their commands of Wednesday last. "Sir;

Horse Guards, 5th July, 1815. "In acknowledging the receipt of your letter, dated yesterday, I know not in what terms I can sufficiently express the deep sense of gratitude I feel on finding that my services in the command and administration of the British Army have once more been distinguished by the Thanks of the House of Commons.

"It is to the natural energy of British soldiers, to that firm and persevering bravery which forms so distinguishing a feature in our national character, and to the pre-eminent talents of that great officer the duke of Wellington, to whom the command of our army on the Continent has been intrusted, that I must exclusively attribute the late brilliant career of his Majesty's arms.

"But it is with peculiar pride I learn, that the favour of the House of Commons has

induced them to ascribe to any effort of mine the smallest share in securing those splendid successes which have at once insured the future tranquillity of Europe, and crowned our exertions with unparalleled glory. I am, Sir, yours,

"FREDERICK, Commander in Chief."

The Right Hon. the Speaker.

Mr. W. Courtenay inquired, whether any steps had yet been taken to provide a proper court for the Vice Chancellor, in which he might execute the duties in

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trusted to him by an Act which passed two years ago?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he hoped to have been able to submit a proposition to the House upon the subject before, but some particular causes bad prevented him from doing so. It certainly, however, was the intention of Governmen to provide a proper court for the discharge of the business belonging to the office of Vice-Chancellor.

Lord Cochrane gave notice that he should, early in the next session, move for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the evidence taken upon the proceed. ings in a late trial, and into the conduct of the Lord Chief Justice upon that trial.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the usual Addresses to his royal highness the Prince Regent, praying that he would order certain sums to be paid to the Chairman of the Committees, and to the other officers of that House, for their services, and that the House would make good the

same.

Sir C. Burrell observed, that a Bill had been passed in the course of the present session, to enable the Government to erect signal-stations in different parts of the country. He wished to know, as it was of importance to many individuals who had land in those parts where they were to be erected, whether under the present eircumstances of the war, it would still be

thought necessary to apply the public money to those objects.

Sir G. Warrender said, the only answer which he could give to the hon. baronet's question was, that the actual circumstances must regulate the necessity or propriety of acting upon that Bill.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, July 7.

STAMP DUTIES ON NEWSPAPERS.] On the committal of the Bill for imposing an additional duty upon Newspapers and Advertisements,

Earl Stanhope observed, that the tendency of this measure would be such as be presumed the minister could not desire, namely, to increase the public burthens, and to diminish the revenue. This might appear paradoxical, but he remembered a similar case some years ago: when an additional duty was imposed upon spirits, he ventured to foretell that the effect of the new duty would be to reduce the revenue upon spirits generally-and what

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was the result? Why, that this revenue fell off to the amount of between 2 and 300,000, in consequence of which reduction, Mr. Pitt had the additional duty re. pealed; although he (lord Stanhope) was in the first instance laughed at for his predictions. He had no doubt that in predicting the consequence of the Bill under the consideration, he should be found equally accurate as in the case alluded to, whatever attention might be paid to him at ir present. But, independently of any considerations of revenue, he should ever disapprove of any measure calculated to imthepede the freedom, or discourage the industry of the press. For he had always been a friend to the propagation of light, convinced that such propagation was best calculated to promote the interest and happiness of mankind. Of course, then, he must be adverse to any proceeding likely to interfere with that great principle; and on this ground he opposed the present Bill, which was not only objectionable in its character, but absurd in its construction. Such a Bill was, indeed, one among the most prominent specimens of that slovenliness with which bills had been of late sent up to that House from the Commons. For instance, this Bill proposed a tax upon pamphlets, books, or papers, commonly so called, containing only one sheet, and not exceeding eight sheets. But it was curious to see how pamphlets were defined. In one clause all papers were described as pamphlets which amounted to one sheet, and yet in another clause of this blessed schedule, those only were defined to be pamphlets which exceeded one sheet. But this was only one among the many absurdities which belonged to this extraordinary Bill. The noble lord concluded with moving, as an amendment, the omission of these words" or inserted in any other newspapers." The amendment was negatived.

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Earl Stanhope then forcibly animadverted upon the general character of the Bill, and upon the thinness of the House upon a subject of such importance, which involved alike the interest of trade and revenue as those of liberty and learning.

The several clauses were agreed to, the House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. The Law Deeds Stamp Duty Bill being committed,

Earl Stanhope urged the propriety of having a Bill of this nature brought before the House at an earlier period, in order to

afford time for its ample consideration, referring to a decision of the Court of King's Bench, that if a receipt were drawn upon a higher stamp than was prescribed by law, such receipt was invalid;, therefore, it was right to have such a measure as the present duly promulgated, for, the safety of the public, before it was finally enacted, and on this ground he disapproved of the manner in which the Bill was pressed, among a crowd of other bills brought from the other House at this late period of the session.

The clauses were adopted, the House resumed, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.

HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday, July 10.

Earl Stan

PILLORY ABOLITION BILL.] hope adverted to the Bill which had been for some time under their lordships attention, though finally rejected, and observed that it involved a question of infinite importance to the subjects of these realms, He thought it desirable that it should not be suffered wholly to die away: and he should therefore submit a motion to the House, which was in fact merely a copy of an order which their lordships had made some years ago, but which had never been acted upon. His motion was as follows & "That the Judges do prepare and lay before the House, a Bill for reducing into one Act all the laws now in force, imposing the penalty of the pillory, or authorising the infliction of the same." He did not apprehend that any objection would be made to that motion; but he had another to propose, which he did not expect would be acceded to, nor indeed did he mean to press it, as his only object was to have it recorded on their journals, in the hope that the subject to which it referred might bereafter be taken into their lordships consideration. He was aware that the Judges, in dispensing the criminal and civil justice of the country, had quite enough to occupy their time; but as they must go through the statute-book, in order to comply with the preceding motion, supposing they did comply with it, there would not be any great additional trouble in comprehending the present motion, which was, that they do prepare and bring in a Bill to digest into one Act, all the laws now in force respecting the Poor."

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After a few words from the Lord Chan

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