but he voted upon his conviction, that the measure was necessary, under the present circumstances, for the security of the country. The Earl of Liverpool said, that he considered no noble lord as pledged to support a war by agreeing to this Bill, for whether with a view to war, or an armed preparation for negociation, the sum was necessary; and it could not be raised in any other way so advantageously as by this plan. With respect to the clamours against the tax, he admitted that they were in a great degree unfounded: but it certainly had been understood by many respectable individuals, that Government was pledged not to continue this tax beyond the first month of April after the close of the war. This was certainly not intended by those who introduced the measure at the commencement of the last war; but as it had been so understood by many, and as there were words of termination in the Act which were not to be found in the other war-tax acts, Government, in order to avoid even the appearance of breach of faith, were willing to abandon the tax, if possible, because the pledge was supposed to extend to its not being continued under any modification or shape whatever. It had been introduced by a noble friend of his (viscount Sidmouth) about 11 years ago, at a rate of 5 per cent. That had been increased by Mr. Pitt to 7 per cent. and it had been raised to 10 per cent. when the noble marquis opposite (Lansdowne) was Chancellor of the Exchequer; and he did not know that it was understood by any administration that there was a pledge for its ceasing entirely at the conclusion of the war. That no such pledge was intended when it was first introduced by Mr. Pitt, was clear to demonstration, for the tax was then partly pledged for loans, though that part had been afterwards redeemed by his noble friend (viscount Sidmouth). It was singular, too, that those on whom the tax bore least heavily-he meant the commercial classes-had been the loudest in their opposition to it. With respect to the present state of affairs, he did not think this the proper time for him to enter upon any discussion of that kind: but as to the observation of the noble marquis that the duke of Wellington had signed a declaration which appeared to have a tendency to encourage assassination, he was sure no one could imagine that the duke of Wellington would ever sign a declaration having such a tendency. Nothing could be more abhorrent to his nature. The Declaration in question had no such tendency or object, and certainly none such had ever entered into the contemplation of the duke of Wellington. As to the tax itself, he could only repeat what he had said on a former day, that it appeared to him the plan best calculated to raise so large a sum with the least pos sible inequality; and its great recommendation was, that it reached property of every kind. The tax was, besides, only continued for one year, which was an answer to many of the objections which had been urged against it. The Marquis of Lansdowne stated, that it had certainly been understood by him and those with whom he acted at the period to which the noble earl alluded, that the tax was to be re-considered at the close of the war; and be now stated it as his opinion, that this tax was one calculated for an exigency, and ought to be re-considered on every occasion when that exigency terminated. At the close of a war, it might, perhaps, be advisable, under particular circumstances, to continue it to a certain extent and under various modifications; but it was clearly right and proper, that at the close of a war, it should be re-considered for the purpose of reducing its amount, and altering as far as that might be expedient the mode of its operation. But, admitting that the sum must be raised, he could not conceive any plan by which it could be so raised in a more fair and equal way than the present. Inequality, in some respects, there must be in every method of taxation; but it was desirable, that every tax should be as equal as it could possibly be made, having a due regard to the produce; for even additional equality might be too dearly purchased by the sacrifice of too great a proportion of the produce. The Earl of Liverpool fully concurred with the noble marquis, that at the close of a war the tax ought to be re-considered before it was continued in any extent, and declared that he had never intended to say any thing that could bear a contrary interpretation. The Duke of Norfolk said, that one great recommendation of the tax was, that it could not be evaded. When a tax was imposed on servants, persons might lawfully evade it to a certain degree by keeping but few servants: but this reached the property of those who, instead of living in a style of magnificence suited to their fortunes, and spending their money liberally and virtuously as he contended, were hoarding it up for the purpose of entails for three or four generations. A part of these hoards would, by this tax, be got for the service of the State. Earl Stanhope proposed, as an amendment, that schedule B, being that which related to the occupiers of land, or the tenants, and schedule D, which related to manufactures and trade, should be left out. This he did, not on account of the tenants and manufacturers, but on account of the consumers, who really paid the tax. This tax, as far as concerned the classes in the other three schedules, land-owners like himself, stock-holders, and placemen and pensioners, he thought a very proper tax, and far preferable to the assessed taxes which had been in contemplation to substitute in lieu of it. risen, and the purchasers had thus incurred a heavy loss. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he had been induced to make the change in consequence of a representation that the subscription would not be filled up under the former plan. The purchasers of Exchequer bills would not be losers, as the original subscribers would still be at liberty, as before, to set down their names to the amount of 80 per cent, on their former subscriptions. The Resolution was ordered to be recommitted to-morrow week. Sir ROMAN CATHOLIC PETITION.] Henry Parnell said:-Sir; I hold in my hand a Petition from the Roman Catholics of Ireland. The gentlemen who intrusted it to my care have informed me, that the Roman Catholics are particularly anxious that the merits of their claims should be taken into consideration during the present session. I think it proper, therefore, to give notice, that I shall move, on this day fortnight, that the House do form itself into a committee, to take into consideration the laws affecting the Roman Catholics. Prior to that period, if the courtesy of the House will allow me, I shall submit certain Resolutions, containing the full extent of the claims of the Catholic body. I do not mean to introduce them for the purpose of provoking a premature discussion; but from a desire to put the House in possession of every thing relating to those claims. I shall afterwards move the Resolutions in the committee, if it be conceded. At present I shall merely move, "That the Petition be now read." The amendment was negatived, and the Bill read a third time, and passed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, May 11. EXCHEQUER BILLS.] The report of the Committee of Ways and Means being brought up, the first Resolution was agreed to. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that as to the second Resolution, which respected Exchequer bills, he should move that it be re-committed, in order to make an alteration in the form of it, as it appeared that the old subscribers, who were allowed to subscribe to the amount of SO per cent. on their former subscriptions, had not come forward with subscriptions enough to fill up the whole sum which it was intended to raise. whether those resolutions speak the sense of the whole Catholic body, or only of a part of it? And if the latter be the case, of what portion does it speak the senti ments? Mr. Tierney. If I understand the hon. baronet, he has mentioned, that claims of a definitive nature will be submitted to the Mr. Tierney said, that in consequence House, in formal resolutions, if the com of the change in the mind of the Chan-mittee be granted. Now, I wish to know, cellor of the Exchequer, in the short space of two hours on Monday morning, several persons had been losers to a considerable extent. The right hon. gentleman had at first sent a letter to the city, in which it was said that Exchequer bills only would be received in the new subscriptions; in consequence of which Exchequer bills rose 7 and 8, and even 10 shillings. Shortly, after, however, a new letter was sent, in which it was said that Exchequer bills were not at all necessary. The consequence was, that Exchequer bills fell as much as they had before Sir Henry Parnell.-I can answer the questions of the right hon. gentleman, I think satisfactorily. This is the petition of certain Roman Catholics of Ireland, whose signatures are affixed thereto, on behalf of themselves and the Catholic body of Ireland. It comes exactly from the same description of persons with whom the other petitions, on the same subject, ment of the resolution of the House in a former session, that of a conciliatory ad The petition was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Bankes gave notice that he should to-morrow move that the House be called over on this day fortnight, as every one must be of opinion that on such an important question as would then come on, a full attendance was requisite. which have been discussed by the House, originated: and, as far as that opinion can be expressed, under the existing re-justment which might be conducive to the straint which the law puts on them, and strength and peace of the kingdom, to the which prevents them from sending dele- stability of the Protestant establishment, gates to meetings, it does express the and to the general satisfaction and consense of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. cord of all classes of his Majesty's subWith respect to the extent of unanimity jects: but he thought it incumbent upon which the sentiments contained in the him, at the same time, thus early to deresolutions meet with, I can state, from clare, that he should oppose the claims, communications I have had on the sub- such as announced in the petition, of unject, that they speak the correct and un- qualified concession. equivocal opinion of the mass of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. With regard to the claims of the Catholics, and the propriety of laying those claims before the House, in the shape of Resolutions, before the main discussion came on, the reason is this-it appears to be very desirable, that, in entering on a new discussion of the Petition of the Catholic body, the House should be put in possession-and, as far as is practicable, they ought to be put in exact possession-of all that the Roman Catholics require from the House. I have it in my power to state decidedly to the House, that I shall submit to them resolutions, that express correctly the opinion of the Catholic body, with respect to the extent of their claims; so that if the House accede to what is contained in those Resolutions, they will give perfect satisfaction to that great body of their fellow-subjects. The Petition was then brought up and read; setting forth," That the petitioners are excluded from the enjoyment of the free constitution of these realms, and are subjected to the endurance of such exclusion not on account of any imputed deficiency of disposition or of ability in the service of the Crown or support of the State, but solely on account of their conscientious adherence to that religion which was professed by those princes and patriots of Great Britain who originated and matured her justly-boasted constitution; and that the petitioners again im. plore the House to grant to them the redress of the oppressive grievances of which they so justly complain, and to restore them to the full and unrestricted enjoyment of the rank of free subjects of the empire." On the motion, that the Petition do lie on the table, Sir J. C. Hippisley observed, that he should be very ready to enter into an adequate investigation of the claims of so considerable a body as the Catholics of Ireland, as far as could tend to the fulfil Sir H. Parnell gave notice, that he should on this day week move the resolutions pro forma, and that on this day fortnight he should move that the House should resolve itself into a committee on the laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. Mr. Bankes said he did not hold himself bound to give his assent to the previous stage which had been given notice of by the hon. baronet, as the case was not one in which the House was ignorant of what it was required (as the hon. baronet had termed it) they should do. He felt it his duty to resist, on every opportunity, the claims of the petitioners, if they insisted on them in their full extent. FREEMEN'S ELECTION RIGHTS BILL.] Mr. Lockhart, according to notice, moved for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the right of freemen and burgesses to vote at elections of members to serve in parliament. He observed that the object of the measure which he had to propose was to oblige freemen to take out their freedom a certain short time before they could vote. Such a measure was called for by the great number of persons who took an opportunity to become freemen of boroughs immediately before a contested election, whereby the expense of those contests was increased to an extravagant amount. Whether the period was three months, one month, or even a fortnight, it would answer the purpose which he had in view. Mr. Tierney said the proposed measure being one which would deprive persons who had a perfect right from exercising it during a certain time, was such a partial disfranchisement that could not be justifiable unless a strong case were made out. Mr. Rose said a few words in favour of the measure. Mr. Wetherell thought the Bill could not be rendered justifiable by any particular case of inconvenience. Sir M. W. Ridley disapproved of the measure. Mr. Calcraft said, that the Bill would disfranchise many of his constituents, and other voters, who were sea-faring men, and therefore had often no opportunity to take out their freedom before the time of election, although on that account there could be no reasonable objection to their votes. Mr. Wynn gave no opinion on the measure before the House, but thought that the great source of the expense and criminality at contested elections, arose from the non-resident voters, with respect to whom some measure should be adopted. Sir J. Newport thought some measure was necessary to put it out of the power of the mayor to act partially with respect to the admission of freemen. It was now in the power of the mayor in many places to refuse to admit a freeman at a particular time, by declining to call a court for his admission. Leave was given, and the Bill being brought in was read a first time. IRISH MALT DUTIES BILL.] The House having resolved itself into a committee on the Irish Malt Duties Bill, Sir John Newport said, it had long been the anxious wish of the House to discourage the consumption of spirits in Ireland, and to introduce malt liquor, as a more wholesome beverage. This feeling was founded in a laudable desire to promote habits of morality and industry amongst the lower classes in that country. Now, he feared, that the increased malt duty, under this Bill, would have the effect of bringing the Irish population back to the use of spirits. The right hon. gentleman, he was aware, had laid an additional tax on the distilleries, proportioned to the augmentation of the duty on the brewery; but this was likely materially to encourage the practice of illicit distillation. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald said, the difficulties of the sister country were such, that it was impossible to adopt any measure that would be entirely effectual, or to which some objection could not be offered. He entirely concurred with the right hon. baronet in the desirableness of introducing malt liquor, instead of spirits. But, from the manners and habits of a great part of the population of that country-habits growing out of their peculiar occupation, vast numbers of them being employed in agriculture, and necessarily scattered over a large extent of country-it was impossible always to supply them with malt liquor. To counteract the effect of the additional duty on malt, an increased tax had been laid on the distillery. This the right hon. baronet seemed to think would induce an extension of illicit distillation. The laws, however, to prevent that evil were put in force with the most unrelaxed activity. And when it was found that government were determined to follow up those measures, which, however severe in the beginning, were, in the end, the most merciful, he hoped the good sense and honest feeling of the country, would operate to remove the evil of illicit distillation. Mr. W. Smith denied the justice of the right hon. gentleman's observation, when he said, that it was impossible, because the population of Ireland was much scattered, to introduce malt liquor amongst them. The very contrary of his inference was the fact. Where great numbers of persons met together, in cities, far more spirits were consumed, than the same number would make use of, if they were scattered through the country. One hundred thousand people spread over the country, and engaged in agricultural pursuits, would not consume onetenth part of the spirits, in a given time, that would be drunk by the like number of persons in London or Manchester. Sir J. Newport pointed out the necessity of establishing large breweries in those districts where illicit distillation was known to be most prevalent. Mr. W. Smith observed, that the general consumption of malt liquor in this country did not originate in the formation of large breweries, but was effected by the small farmers, who brewed their own beer. Mr. V. Fitzgerald said, the small farmers in Ireland had it not in their power to brew their own beer; they were really incapable. He was friendly to the establishment of breweries in that country, which was proved by his having preferred a tax on malt, to a direct beer duty, which would be more likely to pre vent the growth of breweries. Whatever measure Parliament thought fit to adopt, to give encouragement to the establishment of breweries, should receive his support. The House then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received to morrow. LIBERTY OF THE SUBJECT.] Mr. Serjeant Onslow moved, "That a committee be appointed to inspect the Journals of the House of Lords, with relation to any proceeding upon the Bill, intituled, An Act for more effectually securing the liberty of the subject;' and to make report thereof to the House:"-and a committee was appointed accordingly. HOUSE OF COMMONS. CALL OF THE HOUSE.] Mr. Bankes rose, in pursuance of notice, to propose his motion for a call of the House. He had reason to hope, however, from his communication with the hon. baronet (sir H. Parnell), that he would postpone the important question, of which he had given notice, to Tuesday the 30th; and he should therefore move the call of the House for that day, by which time the members would be enabled to attend from all parts of the kingdoin. He begged to observe, that at that time he should, as far as lay in his power, enforce the call. Sir H. Parnell, lest he should appear to precipitate the question before a sufficient attendance could be obtained, consented to postpone his motion on the Catholic Claims to Tuesday the 30th; wishing to be understood, that as the session would then be pretty far advanced, he should absolutely bring forward the question on that day. The House was accordingly ordered to be called over on Tuesday the 30th instant. Adjourned to Thursday the 18th instant. HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, May 18. The TREATIES WITH THE ALLIES.] House being met, pursuant to adjourn ment, Earl Grey wished to know whether it was in the contemplation of his Majesty's Government to make any communication to the House on the subject of the Treaty of the 25th of March, signed at Vienna, and the other Treaties, which, though in substance, were not formally before the House. The Earl of Liverpool said, that he believed he should on Monday be able to communicate those Treaties to the House, together with a Message on the same subject from the Prince Regent, and he should then move that the Message be taken into consideration on Tuesday. Earl Grey observed, that such a motion would be but a short notice on such an important question. He knew it was the custom of the House, when a message was delivered from the Crown, to come to the consideration of it with as little intervening delay as possible; but when that message referred to documents on which deliberation was necessary, before the House could reply to the message, some further time should be allowed. The Treaties, he supposed, would be commu nicated in form, which had already been laid in substance before the House. He wished to have explanation as to two points: The first question to which he wished to receive an answer, was, whether there was any substantial alteration in the Treaties which were before the House, or whether they had been ratified exactly in the state in which they had been laid before the House? He wished also to know, not only whether any alteration had been made in the Treaties, but whether the Allies had subjoined to their ratifications, any declaration or counterdeclaration (on the subject of the expla natory declaration which had been affixed to the ratification of one of the Treaties, by this Government,) which might afford some new view of the Treaty ? If any alteration or any such declaration had been made, it would be most material that further time should be afforded for consideration. There was another question, which the noble earl opposite could now answer, and which had some time since been put by a noble friend of his-as to the overture supposed to have been made by the present Government of France, to this country? The noble earl had on that occasion answered, that some communication had been made, but that it had been sent to the Allies at Vienna; and that before an answer was received from thence, no message would be brought down to the House. Now, before a question was decided which was to determine on the alternative of peace or war, it was necessary that the House should have be |