Maroons, for the purpose of taking care of them. As to the case of the two men who were convicted of selling provisions and ammunition to the runaway negroes, only one of them was executed; and it was his head that was sent in a box to another part of the island, for the purpose of being exhibited in terrorem. Upon the whole, it appeared to him, that the conduct of governor Ainslie had been vigorous, laudable, and patriotic. This was the light in which it was viewed by every class of inhabitants in the island, who had, in an address to that gentleman, expressed their anxious I wish for his return among them. He could not, therefore, concur in the present motion, which went to inflict the punishment of preventing his return. Sir Samuel Romilly thought, that unless the House proved false to all its professions for the benefit of the black population of the West Indies, it could not refuse to institute the inquiry now called for. As to what the hon. gentleman had said of some of the charges originating in private revenge, it should be recollected, that the atrocious murders perpetrated by one Hodges, in one of the islands, would never have been brought before the public, but for a private quarrel. He was surprised that the friends of governor Ainslie should oppose an inquiry. Here sir Samuel read the depositions of several persons, all going to prove that Michell was flogged for not taking the oaths; but whatever the offence, the punishment was inflicted without trial, in the public market-place, and by order of a British governor, whose special duty it was to protect the people of colour. This duty the West India governors had been specially charged to perform, in a circular addressed to them by the duke of Portland in 1797. Was the offence to be passed over, because a West Indian jury, with all its prejudices against people of colour, had given Michell only 51. damages? The House, to act consistently with the principles it professed, ought to study the immediate amelioration of the state of the negroes and people of colour, and the gradual abolition of slavery itself. This he understood to be the ultimate object of all our wishes. Was it not necessary to inquire into the situation of Dominica, before the House could own a proclamation which condemned men women, and children, to destruction? Here sir Samuel referred to some of the documents, from whence he drew the conclusion that there was no war on the island, but merely the fear of future disturbance. It appeared that no less than 700 of these Maroons had been reduced to slavery; from which he suspected, that one great cause of the war proclaimed against them, was to procure slaves that could not be obtained by importation. He could not admit that to whip a man in the public street for a crime which governor Ainslie must have known he had not committed, was to be frittered away and shielded under the mild and gentle term which the hon. baronet had given it-" an act of indiscretion." This governor Ainslie punished a man for not having done that which he had made oath before the governor himself he had done; but in order to justify his own misconduct, he added injury to insult, and out of a freeman, he, by dint of power vested in himself by means of his office, made his victim a slave, pretended he had been a slave in Dominica, to which island this same general Ainslie had been recently appointed governor; and when this unfortunate man proceeded to Dominica, to obtain evidence of his not having been a slave, governor Ainslie exerted his power there also against him, and by virtue of that power, prevented him from landing on the island, and thus deprived him of every possible means of proving he was not a slave, nor ever had been a slave in Dominica, as had been most unjustifiably alleged against him. These were acts which could not but arouse the indignation of every man of the least degree of feeling and regard to justice; and he thought them quite sufficient to demand the committee moved for by his hon. friend. Mr. W. Smith thought governor Ainslie, like all other persons in the West India islands, must know that the greatest injustice that could be done to an individual was to deprive him of his freedom. Michell, it appeared, had first been punished for nothing at all-for not taking an oath in obedience to a proclamation of the governor; which oath, it was proved by several witnesses, he had taken in the presence of governor Ainslie himself; and those who had treated him thus, endeavoured to escape from the consequences, by depriving him of the most precious thing he possessed-his freedom. This was the paltry, mean, base, and abominable defence which had been set up, and this defence made him more indignant than all the rest. Lord Bathurst, on perusing the papers which were submitted to him on behalf of governor Foreign Slave Trade Bill. 605] Ainslie, had said, that the justification of his conduct was not complete. He thought the noble lord must have felt they furnished no justification at all. All the evidence brought forward to prove Michell was a slave, had been obtained from the island of Dominica, where the power of governor Ainslie had been at that time predominant, and obtained from that island to which Michell had repaired, in The order to prove that he was free. evidence of his being free was ten times stronger than that which had been adduced to prove that he was a slave. Under all the circumstances of the case, he hoped the House would consult its own dignity, by acceding to the motion. Mr. Goulburn said, that nothing could be more candid, than the manner in which the hon. gentleman had brought this subject forward. He, however, must oppose the motion on this principle, that to entertain it would be to prejudge the question between Michell and governor Ainslie, which was to be tried in this country, in those courts where the whole of the transactions could be more satisfactorily investigated than they could be by that House. This stated, he trusted it would be felt that to anticipate the inquiry would be to defeat it. He briefly replied to some of the statements made in the course of the debate. He asserted the proclamation to have been issued in consequence of murders and depredations which had been committed upon the whites, and when the general state of things had become such as to threaten the loss of the island. From all that he knew on the subject, he had reason to believe the result of the inquiry would be satisfactory to the friends of general Ainslie. Mr. Gordon briefly replied. He wished to observe with respect to the trial which had been mentioned as coming on in this country, that the difficulties which must first be surmounted had to him appeared so considerable, that he had thought he ought not to suffer what to him appeared so remote, to prevent the present motion being made. On an understanding that governor Ainslie would not return to Dominica, till this matter had been explained, he would consent to withdraw the motion. Mr. Goulburn said, he would not return till after the trial, which he apprehended would afford every requisite explanation. Mr. W. Smith wished it also to be under stood that he would not be appointed. Mr. Goulburn stated the appointment The motion was then withdrawn by the consent of the House. HOUSE OF LORDS. FOREIGN SLAVE-TRADE BILL.] On the The The Earl of Westmoreland said, it was with regret that he stated any objection to this Bill, as he coincided in the prin ciple of putting an end to the Slave-trade carried on by foreign Powers; but he could not help repeating his objections to the provisions of this Bill, on account of the risk to which the innocent were exthe provisions of this Bill, it appeared to posed by them. He again stated, that by him that any person in this country, by his agent lending money which might he applied to the Slave-traffic, though entirely without his knowledge, would be liable to be tried where the act was committed, which might be in any part of the West Indies, or on the coast of Africa: at Madrid, might be hurried away from so that a friend of the noble marquis now tribunals, or before the learned surgeon that place to be tried before the West India It was well known that of Sierra Leone. the trials in these places were not conducted with the same order and regularity as here; and, therefore, this was a grievous hardship. With respect to the clause against lending money on the secu rity of property in the foreign islands, any person here or in the West Indies might be subjected to a trial in these tribunals, because he might have a debt due to him for goods consigned there for sale; and this was the more dangerous, because any person to whom the money was lent which was employed in this $ traffic, was not only to be pardoned, but their money to get free of the whole debt: there was, Lord Grenville said, that the principle therefore, the strongest temptation to of the measure was to have it declared, bring innocent persons to trial, if any that persons guilty of this atrocious crime colour of criminality could be set up so were to be regarded as criminals, and to as to afford a chance for conviction. It be punished as such, and by the same iri. was also to be observed, that the late act bunals which were appointed for the puhad never been enforced in this respect pishment of piracy. As for the pecuniary so as to attempt the suppression of the penalty, it had been found that ihe profiis offence by the pecuniary penalty. The of this abominable traffic were such as to only prosecutions were against persons overbalance it. The only way to check directly concerned in the traffic, and they the offence, was to degrade those persons knew the issue of those at Sierra Leone, engaged in it from that rank in society where the learned surgeon presided. which the crime rendered them unfit to The Marquis of Lansdowne said, that hold. But he admitted that the severity the clause as to the lending money on of the punishment rendered it the more security in the foreign islands extended necessary that the law should be clear and only to mortgages of the land, and not to precise in its enactments; and he hoped security on the producer and without such his noble and learned friend, whose powera clause, the whole provisions of the Act ful assistance in the business of the aboliwould be nugatory. With respect to in- | tion he well remembered, and would nocent persons, the Act extended only to always remember with gratitude, would those who knowingly and wilfully lent lend bis aid in giving the Act all the pre for this particular purpose. cision of which it was susceptible. There were, however, a few amnendments The Earl of Liverpool suggested, that which he wished to propose... As to the the most proper plan would be to agree tribunals, they were such as existed for to the amendments of the noble marquis, the punishment of piracy, which this of- and then to have the Bill printed, that the fence very much resembled. House might see it in its most perfect Lord Ellenborough strongly argued state, and then decide whether it might against the adoption of a measure by not be necessary to have it recommitied. which a crime, very loosely described, This was agreed to. The amendments was to be considered as felony. He con- were introduces, and the Bill ordered to ceived that for the punishment of usury, a be printed as amended. heavy mulct would be sufficient pre. sent occasion; or, at most, that the crime HOUSE OF COMMONS. should be declared a misdemeanor, liable to the punishment of transportation. No Monday, June 5. one wished more ardently than himself Scotch GAME AND Fish PRESERVATION that the Slave.trade were abolished all Bill.] Sir George. Clerke moved the over the world, but he could not give his order of the day for the third reading of consent to such crude acts of legislation the Scotch Game and Fish Preservation as that before their lordships. He warmly Bill. recommended a postponement of the Mr. W. Dundas opposed the principle consideration of the measure, instancing of the Bill, as being excessively severe, several cases, in which, as it at present arbitrary, and unnecessary, stood, unoffending individuals mignt be Sir G. Clerke observing that those terms entangled in its provisions. were particularly applied to two clauses The Earl of Westmoreland, in reply to of the Bill, the one inflicting a severe pewhat had been stated by the noble mar- nalty on unqualified persons killing game quis, said, that he had not alluded to the and fish, and the other on persons laying danger that innocent persons might be pu- snares, declared, that he was willing to nished, but to the danger of their being withdraw both; and hoped, by such a brought to trial at such distant places and concession, to conciliate the favour of the before such tribunals. And he was still hon. gentleman, and also of the member of opinion, that according to the words for Glasgow (Mr. Finlay), who he underof the Act, providing that the trial should stood intended to oppose the Bill. take place where the offence was commit- Mr. J. P. Grant said, that his objection ted, persons might be taken from this to the Bill was not confined to those two country to be tried before those colonial clauses, but was extended to another, tribunals. which he considered equally oppressive. on the He alluded to that which authorized send Lord John Russell rose to express his ing persons convicted of the offence to the disapprobation of the war, which he deHouse of Correction, instead of the County-clared to be impolitic in its origin, unjust gaol, the usual place of punishment. Sir George Warrender stated, that several representations had been transmitted to him from many parts of Scotland, deprecating the proposed Bill, and declaring, that its effects would be totally different from what were expected. The measure was unknown to Scotland, ill suited to the manners and feelings of the people, and consequently injurious and oppressive. He therefore should oppose it. Mr. Horner expressed his unqualified dissent to the measure; and that opinion was in no small degree confirmed by the assertion made by an hon. member, that it was totally unnecessary, an assertion of considerable weight, as coming from one who was himself a keen sportsman. He feared that the gentlemen of Scotland who favoured the Bill, had not attended sufficiently to its object; to afford them, therefore, more time, he would move, as an amendment, "That the Bill be read this day three months." After some further observations from sir G. Clerke, Mr. Abercrombie, sir C. Monck, Mr. Serjeant Best, and lord Binning, sir George Clerke consented to withdraw the Bill altogether. SLAVE TRADE.] Mr. Wilberforce wished to ask the noble lord in the blue ribbon, whether any arrangements had been made with Louis 18, relative to the total suppression of the Slave-trade, in the event of success in the present war against Buonaparté ? Lord Castlereagh replied, that nothing should be wanting on the part of his Majesty's ministers to execute strictly the wishes of Parliament on that interesting subject. The present state of the case was most favourable to the accomplishment of that object; and he could assure his hon. friend that the subject had not escaped the notice of ministers. Mr. Wilberforce relied with the fullest confidence on the feelings of his noble friend, in his endeavours to suppress that traffic-nothing could be more satisfactory than his uniform concurrence in the attainment of that object. Here the conversation ended. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.] The Report of the Committee of Supply was brought up, and on putting the question, That the Resolutions be read a second time, (VOL. XXXI.) in its object, and injurious in its consequences. He could not conceive what right we had to compel France to receive any particular form of government. It was true, that annexed to the Treaty of Vienna was a Declaration that the Allies would not force the Bourbons on the throne of France; but nothing could be more contradictory than the purport of the Declaration, and the 1st and 8th articles of the Treaty-by the former the right of Louis was waved; while the latter recognised it in full force. He conceived that Declaration to be nothing more than a pretence to satisfy the friends of freedom in this country, and to conceal the real object of the confederacy. As to compelling France to submit to foreign dictation, the thought was absurd—the experience of history would not warrant such a supposition, and the last war should have taught us the impossibility of effecting it. Mr. J. P. Grant wished to know from the Chancellor of the Exchequer what resources he looked to for carrying on the war, which had escaped every other person's observation. He could not conceive it possible to carry on the war without a deficit beyond the war taxes of about 45 millions. The whole income of the country appeared, from the property-tax returns, to be only about 145 millions; and yet the country would be called on to pay 70 millions of taxes, with a deficit, after all, of 45 millions. If he was wrong, he would be set right with pleasure. Nothing he had heard during the discussions had changed his opinion of the impolicy of this war; neither by eloquence, nor by the technical justice of it, deduced from Buonaparte's non-fulfilment of a treaty for which no security was taken, and which no one could believe he would abide by, if his interest led the other way, had a justifiable case been made out in his mind. The only argument that could be urged was, that it was essential to our safety that Buonaparte should be deposed. It was the first time in the world that war was made for such an object. It was the first time that it was said in that House, that the character of any individual was ground for a war for our own safety, which must depend upon our own exertions. Mr. Bennet animadverted on the conduct of King Ferdinand 7 of Spain, who, (2 R) he contended, had been enabled to carry his detestable measures into execution, by the assistance of the Government of this country. Formerly the character of this country stood high abroad; but the noble lord, and the Congress of Vienna, had at length settled that character. He wished to know from the noble lord, who it was that inflicted such disgrace on the character of the nation, as to advise the Order of the Garter to be conferred on Ferdinand of Spain. Sir J. Newport said, that from what he had heard, the present system of recruiting the militia, particularly in Ireland, was extremely injudicious, and conducive to a most lavish expense. He was informed, that bounties were given to recruits, who were then permitted to return home, under a promise of appearing again when required. He wished to know if such were the fact. Lord Palmerston replied, that as the militia regiments were not as yet embodied, Government had been obliged to have recourse to the system mentioned by the right hon. baronet. The entire bounty was, however, not paid, the recruit received only a guinea, and the remainder being withheld, he expected most of them would appear again when called upon. Sir J. Newport said, that there was nothing to prevent every one of them enlisting in different regiments, and receiving the bounty in each. Mr. Gordon was anxious to know whether any means were devised to correct the lavish expenditure in the commissariat department. been defective, particularly the practice of giving only government paper in the mountains of Gallicia or Andalusia, where the inhabitants did not know how to esti mate its value. He had wished that a committee should be appointed upon the subject. He objected to the great disproportion between the money we were eto provide, and the small force it enabled us to bring into the field. He had understood that for the service of the army the agents of Government were now in the habit of buying up guineas. He wished to know if that were the fact? The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that the attention of Government had long been directed to this subject, and he hoped that measures had been now taken to put the system under more effectual control. In Spain, owing to the nature of the country, and the scantiness of resources, which led to the dispersion of the officers of the commissariat very widely, it was found impossible to regulate the department as well as could be wished, and abuses had crept in. In the Netherlands the supplies being abundant and at hand, the same difficulties would not exist; and the appointment of Mr. Rosenhagen to the new office of controlier of this department, he hoped would be attended with the happiest consequences. Mr. Baring complained that the whole system of the commissariat in Spain had The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that if such a practice existed it had not come to his knowledge. He was happy to say that a larger sum of ready money had been obtained for the army, by regular means, than had been expected. Sir J. Newport hoped some regulation would be adopted to correct the system of billeting at present practised in Ireland, by which persons were liable to have the soldiery billeted upon them at the pleasure of the officers whose duty it was to provide quarters for the soldiers, without any regard to that fairness of distribution which ought at all times to be practised. Lord Palmerston was not so well acquainted with the nature of the laws upon this subject in Ireland, as with those in this country; but if the right hon. baronet would point out any improvement which his knowledge might enable him to suggest, he should be happy to attend to it. cases Mr. Peel said, that a measure was in contemplation, whereby, in all where soldiers were billeted on private individuals in Ireland, an allowance of threepence per night for lodging money would be allowed; a sum which, on all occasions, would be sufficient to induce the soldiers to go elsewhere; but as there were many districts in that country in which public-houses were not to be found, it was absolutely necessary that billets on private individuals should be granted. Sir J. Newport said, his object was to have some measure adopted which would prevent respectable tradesmen and others from being rendered subject to the system of billet, as was the case in this country. Mr. Grenfell took this opportunity of asking, whether it was not now the practice to purchase light guineas for the purpose of being re-coined? The Chancellor of the Exchequer knew of no such practice. |