regulation, and he was happy to find from the liberal views expressed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that there was now ground for looking to the entire abrogation' of those laws relating to the wool trade which were a disgrace to the legislation of the country.

Mr. Holme Sumner was surprised that the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not long since been applied to this important subject.

Lord Lascelles approved of the measure, although he did not think it would be as productive as seemed to be at first sight supposed. He recommended that it should be merely noticed this session, and resumed early in the ensuing one.

Mr. Rose recommended the most ample deliberation previous to any legislative interference with the laws in question.

Mr. Western thought his motion had been in some degree misconceived. He had proposed no measure at all connected with the laws relating to the exportation of British wool; his object was specifically confined to the auction duty.

The motion was agreed to, and the House resolved itself into a committee on the acts in question. A resolution was then agreed to, that a Bill should be brought in for reducing the auction duty on the sale of sheep's wool, the growth of this country.

APPRENTICES IN COTTON MILLS.] Sir Robert Peel called the attention of the House to the expediency of some legislative regulation, for the purpose of restricting the employment of young children in manufacturing labour. It was well known that a bad practice had prevailed of condemning children whose years and strength did not admit of it, to the drudgery of occupations often severe and sometimes unhealthy. What he was disposed to recommend was, a regulation that no children should be so employed under the age of 10 years, either as apprentices or otherwise, and the duration of their labour should be limited to 12 hours and a half per diem, including the time for education and meals, which would leave 10 hours for laborious employment. accounts he had recently seen, showed that it was not so much the hardship as the duration of the labour which had produced mischievous effects on the health of the rising generation. It was to be lamented, however, that the inspectors appointed under a late act had been very

The

even in their humble and almost destitute situation they might derive from their friends. The practice was altogether objectionable on this ground, but even more so from the enormous abuses which had existed in it. It had been known, that with a bankrupt's effects, a gang, if he might use the word, of these children, had been put up to sale, and were advertised publicly as part of the property. A most atrocious instance had been brought before the Court of King's-bench two years ago, in which a number of these boys, appren ticed by a parish in London to one manufacturer, had been transferred to another, and had been found by some benevolent persons in a state of absolute famine. Another case more horrible had come to his knowledge while on a committee up stairs;-that not many years ago, an agreement had been made between a London parish and a Lancashire manufacturer, by which it was stipulated, that with every 20 sound children one idiot should be taken! A practice in which there was a possibility that abuses of this kind might arise, should not be suffered to exist; and now, or in the next session when the Bill should be discussed, should meet with the most serious consideration.

remiss in the performance of their duty. I He should, in consequence of this misfortune, propose, that proper persons be appointed at quarter-sessions, and that they should be paid in due proportion for their trouble. It was gratifying, however, to learn, that the loss of life had been of late exceedingly small, not exceeding one per cent. per annum; a loss falling short of the average loss sustained in every other class of manufacturing industry. As he was desirous that the measure he was now suggesting should be put into the most perfect state that was attainable, he should submit that the Bill for which he intended to move might be read a first time, and then printed. During the recess it might be circulated through the country, and receive the proper amendments. It could, if it should be found necessary to guard against the arts of designing men, be afterwards made a part of the Bill,-that no engagement contracted after this period, in violation of the provisions of the Bill, should be lawful. Under these considerations, he moved for leave to bring in a Bill," to amend and extend an Act made in the 42nd year of his present Majesty, for the preservation of the health and morals of Apprentices and others employed in Cotton and other mills, and Cotton and other factories." Mr. W. Smith expressed his cordial approbation of the Bill. He considered the hon. baronet the fittest person to bring the subject forward, and was glad it had fallen into such good hands. He was only sorry it had not been introduced earlier in the session, and hoped even now, it might be passed into a law before the recess. The bringing of it in alone, he was of opinion would do some good; and the notice that children employed under eight or ten years of age, would not be considered as permanently engaged, would of itself in some degree correct the evil.

Mr. Horner observed, that the former measures, and even the present Bill as far as he could understand its object, fell far short of what Parliament should do on the subject. The practice which was so prevalent of apprenticing parish children in distant manufactories, was as repugnant to humanity as any practice which had ever been suffered to exist by the negligence of the Legislature. These children were sent often one, two, or three hundred miles from their place of birth, separated for life from all their relations, and deprived of the aid and instruction which (VOL. XXXI.)

Mr. Philips said, that the system of supplying the manufactories with parish apprentices had been resorted to at a period when there was not a population in their vicinity to furnish the number of hands required; but a population having been formed by this plan, the practice had latterly been greatly diminished. Some years ago he had paid great attention to this subject, and had had the satisfaction of finding the situation of the children was much improved. The number of young hands employed was not so great as might be supposed. In one of the principal cotton manufactories in the island, he had found the total number of hands employed was 957, of which number he found there were 33 under ten years of age, 72 between ten and twelve, 140 between twelve and fourteen, and 712 above the age last mentioned. In other respects their situation was different from what had been understood. Upon the whole, he was glad the hon. baronet did not wish his Bill to pass in the present session, as he, for one, had not made up his mind on the subject, and wished for time and opportunity for making further inquiry.

Mr. Holme Sumner approved of the Bill, (2 S)

but thought a short bill might be passed this session, calling for information as to the state of the manufactories, that the House might be better able to legislate satisfactorily on the subject.

Leave was given, and the Bill was afterwards brought in, and read a first time.

EAST INDIA SHIPS REGISTRY BILL.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer having moved the order of the day, for the House to resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, upon the Bill" to make further regulations for the Registry of ships built in India,"

Mr. Alderman Atkins said, that he felt it to be his duty to oppose the Bill in its present stage. The ship-building estaments on the banks of the Thames had for a long period furnished employment for from 3 to 4,000 mechanics. He apprehended it was the intention of Government to make such an arrangement, that those India-built ships already employed in the trade between the two countries might be admitted in British registry; but if it was intended that new ships of that class which had lately been furnished by India, might still be introduced into our commerce, the business of the establishments on the banks of the Thames was at an end. He then went into a series of calculations from documents before the House, to show the great importance of the building of ships engaged in the India trade to the shipwrights of this country. If the building of these ships was to be transferred from England to India, the great establishments on the banks of the Thames would be totally annihilated, and instead of furnishing employment for 3 or 4,000 men, he calculated they would not keep more than 3 or 400. He spoke at some length on the falling-off of the trade formerly carried on in the yards on the banks of the Thames, and reminded the House of the service rendered to the state by the 14 or 15 sail furnished from the private dock-yards of the Thames, when the combined fleets of France, Spain, and Holland, were opposed to the power of this country, before the battle of Copenhagen; and inquired what would have been the situation of England, if wanting this resource, it had been necessary to wait till such a force could be obtained from India. He insisted upon it, that it was the duty of Government to protect the interests of establishments to which the

country owed so much. Deprived of the building of ships for the India trade, how were the artisans in the dock-yards to be employed in times of peace? He could not believe it was the intention of Government to ruin the English ship-wrights, and did not expect that the right of registry would be extended to any ships which were not engaged in the trade carried on between this country and India. If, however, any ships of 1,500 tons were to be built in India, to be employed in our commerce, there was an end of the trade carried on in the yards on the Thames. In case of a long peace following the present war, how were the numbers of men now employed in the dock-yards to find work, if the commercial marine should not be able to find employment for those who were no longer necessary to our military marine? The hon. alderman contended, that no apprehensions could seriously be entertained of the scarcity of oak timber, lamented the number of workmen whom the present Bill would necessarily throw out of employment, and concluded by opposing the Speaker's leaving the chair.

Mr. Wallace rose. He said he had no difficulty in answering the questions of the hon. alderman, and stating, that it was intended that the registry should be confirmed to all ships built within our Indian possessions, and employed in the trade between the United Kingdom and India, which had already received it; and that it was not intended that ships of the same description, employed in the East-India Company's trade, should be excluded from the benefits of the present Bill. Having said this, he entered upon the consideration of the measure itself, and assured the House that, if he entertained the same apprehensions of the consequences to be expected from it which bad been stated by the opponents of the measure; if he believed that a serious injury was to be inflicted by it on the British ship-builder, or that the construction of our large ships was to be transferred to so distant a branch of the empire, he should be as unwilling to give his support to its further progress as the hon. gentleman who preceded him. Nothing, he admitted, would be more impolitic; but so far from feeling this danger, he could see in the measure before them no encouragement afforded to the EastIndia ship-building beyond that which was essential, as well to the security of our valuable possessions in the East as to the

that the ships entitled to the privileges of British trade should be owned by British subjects; and this provision was extended to the islands, colonies, and territories in the possession, or which should be in the possession, of his Majesty. It was not till the period last mentioned, (the reign of William 3), that the ships were required to be British-built; and was it then confined to the mother country? No: it was still extended to the colonies that actually did or might belong to it. Under this Jatter enactment the privilege was enjoyed by America; and I should be glad (said Mr. Wallace) to ask on what principle it is that an advantage enjoyed, without objection by America, and especially by Canada, is denied to our possessions in India? What, then, are they not colonies? Do they not come under the principle and within the meaning of the Navigation Laws? Has this been the opinion of the Courts? Mr. Reeves gives you several cases, and these are confirmed by the highest authorities of the present day. It is by one provision of the Act of the 26th of the King, they are inadvertently excluded; I say inadvertently, because the principle of the Bill is as extensive as the Act of Charles 2d, and equally embraces the colonies and foreign territories of his Majesty. The difficulty is a technical one, and a technical one only, which an arrangement with the India Company might easily remove. If this be the fact; if they are entitled in equity to registry under the Navigation Laws, and that registry would communicate to them the general privileges of British shipping, this measure, which confines the future employment of them exclusively to the trade between this country and India, is, in effect, really restrictive. But, say the opposers of the Bill, admitting this, we then contend, that for the security of our interests it does not go far enough. Not far enough? After all the clamour we have heard; after all the encouragement this Bill is alleged to offer to the shipping of India, our subjects there will not be on a footing with those of any foreign state in amity with Great Britain. And although there may be, and certainly are, good reasons for imposing upon them the restriction it contains, it is not the less a restriction in favour of the foreigner. One should have thought that the placing 50 or 60 million of our subjects, who are constantly ministering to the wealth, the strength, and resources of the country, on

a footing less favourable than even that of a foreign friendly state, might have satisfied the spirit of commercial jealousy itself-but it does not, it seems, satisfy the ship-builders of the Thames. They call for still more restriction, and invoke every principle of national policy in their support. To maintain pretensions so extravagant, no common case will be sufficient: if expediency can ever be pleaded against justice, it must at least be an expediency clear, decisive, important, and national: it is not enough to show that a few establishments on the Thames may be eventually affected; it must be shown that the injury is certain and direct, and that in that injury the national security itself is deeply involved.

Now let us see what is the case brought before us, in the papers on the table, in support of the proposition adverted to. It appears to divide itself into the actual state of the building yards on the Thames; the prospect of ruin to them from a probable want of employment, and the effects this ruin will have on the public interests. As far as the statement is well founded with respect to the condition of the yards, I regret it sincerely; but I can by no means allow, that of all this calamity, the admission of East-India-built ships is the cause, or even among several causes the most prominent. That the want of building for the India trade is one among the causes no one will deny; but there are other causes, which (however little their exposure might serve the purposes of the petitioners) are of at least equal effect; the cessation, for instance, of the employment of Government, which for some years had been very extensive, and, I must add, the improvidence of the Thames shipbuilders themselves, who by their excessive charges have contrived to drive from the Thames every species of building, but that of the most expensive description. It is impossible not to be satisfied, that among the causes improvidence must have its share; why else, when shipbuilding is actively proceeding in every other part of the kingdom, when the aggregate building of the year exceeds, as has been stated, the average of the last 20 years-the Thames, and the Thames only should be deserted? Such, however, is the fact; and it is for this loss, for the loss of the employment of Government, and for this consequence of their own improvidence, that these gentlemen are now seeking indemnity at the expense of