no legislatures to make the law, and there are no judicial decisions to establish by precedent what the law is. One great weakness of international law has been that, to ascertain what it was, you have to go to text writers and to a great variety of statements, differing, inconsistent, many of them obscure and vague, capable of different interpretations, so that the instant that the occasion for the application of a law comes, there is pressed upon conflicting nations the question as to what the law is, without any clear and defi nite standard from which to ascertain it. All international law is made, not by any kind of legislation, but by agreement. The agreement is based upon customs, but the ascertainment and recognition of the customs is the subject of the agreement; and how can there be agreement unless the subject matter of the agreement is definite and. certain? I say that recent events indicate that we must press forward codification. I The can go a step further than that. changes in the conditions of the earth, the changes in international relations, which have been so rapid in recent years, have outstripped the growth of international law. I think it quite right to say that the law of nations does not come so near to covering the field of national conduct to-day as it did fifty years ago. The development of international relations in all their variety, in the multitude of questions that arise, goes on more rapidly than the development of international law; and if you wait for custom without any effort to translate custom into definite statements from year to year, you will never get any law settled except by bitter controversy. of international law is made necessary by the swift moving of events among nations. We cannot wait for custom to lag behind the action to which the law should be applied. For All Mankind The overwhelming body of the American people love liberty, not in the restricted sense of desiring it for themselves alone, but in the broader sense of desiring it for all mankind. We believe that nobility of spirit, that high ideals, that capacity for sacrifice are nobler than material wealth. So long as the spirit of American freedom. shall continue, it will range us side by side with you, great and small, in the maintenance of the rights of nations, the rights which exist as against us and as against all the rest of the world. During all the desperate struggles and emergencies of the great war, the conflicting nations from the beginning have been competing for the favorable judgment of the rest of the world with Some of us believe that the hope of the world's progress lies in the spread and perfection of democratic self-government. It may be that out of the wrack and welter of the great conflict may arise a general consciousness that it is the people who are to be considered, the rights and liberties to govern and be governed for themselves, rather than rulers' ambitions and policies of aggrandizement. If that be so, our hopes will be realized, for autocracy can protect itself by arbitrary power, but the people can protect themselves. The pressing forward of codification only by the rule of law. WHAT SHALL WE SAY? WILLIAM HERBERT CARRUTH. What shall we say When twenty million men, Ploughed, builded, trafficked, traveled lands and seas, Tramp the earth's face in murderous array, Slay one another, slay and slay and slay,- What shall we say? Kaiser and King and President and Tsar, When the great war-lords do not shrink And twist their sapient heads Kaiser and King and President and Tsar, Cries out your brothers' blood; the curse of Cain The avalanche of death, yet bade his hand refrain. What will you say, When little children, who had no defence Whose fathers you have called away But in the shambles to be hurried hence, When these, grown older, learn. Who made them orphans, and shall follow you Or when in night's small hours, the eyes forever quenched Open again to haunt you, asking why They from their hearths were wrenched For you, not for themselves and theirs to die, What shall we say, For whom the Tree of Life Was planted and put forth its bloom;- See light and groping find We had no quarrel with our neighbors; In Europe for us all to sow and reap, Peace and good will were changed to hate; Heaven held its breath in horror while Let drum and fife our tiger-selves beguile, Followed the world-old call, slaying and to be slain. Now by the grace of God we see, Kaiser and King and President and Tsar, This we will say: We have found tongue at last: Back of the intricate machine The hand that moved the lever. It matters not a straw Who built the engine or designed its plan;- And not his engine, answers to the law; The mouth that spoke our doom was thine Wherefore with one accord we all curse thee,- Be this thing further said: You and your works are weighed; We have tracked the dragon to his den Your day of dominance is done. We see not all the onward path; But with wide eyes and in our solemn wrath Under the sun This horror shall not come again; Shall twenty million men, Nor twenty, no, nor ten, Leave all God gave them in the hands of one, Leave the decision over peace and war To King or Kaiser, President or Tsar. BY RICHARD CONRAD HE poor we have always with us also the immigrant. TH But this does not imply any actual consanguinity, because the immigrant is a mine of richness and great profita richness and profit hardly glimpsed, except by a few specialists. The immigrant in America does not court charity, but just and fair dealing. Mines must be cultivated if they are to give up their treasures. The proposition is quite simple-and quite as vital to our national welfare. Just now the cry against hyphenates is loud and bitter. An immaculate patriotism is demanded. Needless to say those whose voices are most vehemently raised in this connection are perfectly immaculate themselves. There is so very little of the hyphen about them that they simply cannot tolerate the idea of hyphenism at all. They abhor it, and with reason, of course. Hyphenism is a terrible thing. It is a menace to democracy and all right living. However, mere forensic vilification can be of doubtful constructive value. Unless linked with a fair-minded investigation into causes, denunciation can hardly be said even to exercise a purging influence. "There must be a preparedness," one patriot has recently exclaimed, "preparedness for all that the future holds in store for us by a demand throughout our country for an undivided loyalty on the part of the entire body of our citizens, and an unconditional and unreserved acknowledgment that America is their one and only fatherland. "Public sentiment," he continues, "must run so strong and so high as to make it impossible for any one who has taken the oath of citizenship to di vide his allegiance between the claims. of this country and those of the country upon which he turned his back long years past in order to seek a home in this new land beyond the sea. "Let us not shrink from calling things by their right names, and therefore let us brand as a traitor whoever lives in our midst, enjoying the protection and prosperity of our country, and yet dares to express by word or deed the spirit of hyphenated loyalty. There is welcome within our border for all sorts and conditions of men, but no quarter for traitors." No quarter. Ah, let there be emphatically no quarter. But how about these traitors traitors themselves? What makes them traitors? Simply an incorrigible malignity? Is treachery a germ, a disease? Is there no cure for the disease, no way to strangle the life of the germ? I do not wish to cast the slightest aspersion upon the splendor of America. However, I do not agree with the patriot I have just quoted that this splendor, just in itself, upon the sheer strength of its dazzle, is enough to capture securely every ounce of loyalty in the breast of the foreigner-citizen. King Midas found he could not subsist on gold, much as such a diet might appear the sublimest of privileges. So the foreigner who comes to us, gropingly, questioningly, often imploringly, cannot be expected to live altogether on the flash in Liberty's lantern. Frederic C. Howe, United States Commissioner of Immigration, struck at the heart of this great problem of hyphenism and patriotism, of one's duty to one's country, in an article written for and published in the New |