JOHN WESLEY HILL, D.D., LL.D., Editor

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MEXICO

On March 15 General Pershing was dispatched South with a small army. He was charged with authority to capture the bandit chief, Villa, who, single-handed, has succeeded in bringing relations between this country and Mexico to a pitch not exactly strained, but embodying a few shivers of apprehension. Washington has been having

a very lively time of it. The capitol is in a kind of tremble, as though recognizing itself precariously in the midst of international dubiety. It was bad enough to have the German tension growing tighter and tighter. The Mexican jolt was not an agreeable sensation.

Of course, the issue distinctly concerned Villa-Villa the outlaw and bandit, the king of anarchy, and the foe to all established law and order. Nevertheless, there was a little talk about a coolness between our Govern

Carranza might not favor the proposition of our sending troops through his country, however salutary the object of that incursion. Some of the more fidgety even spread the rumor that Carranza might turn against what he could, if he would, construe as an invasion-at least an infringement. The de facto head of the Mexican Government was not consulted prior to the order to begin pursuit. This seems to have been a slight irregularity, which one may, perhaps, be justified in explaining away upon the theory of intense irritation at Washington. It had grown to be the common cry: More Americans slain in Mexico! Villa was carrying on his foul depredations unhindered, and his supreme insolence was at length sufficient to disrupt that monumental calm which had so long been labeled "watchful waiting."

It is evident the days of watchful

The rumor that General Herrera, exGovernor of Chihuahua, had revolted and joined the bandid forces, added some spice to the excitement-an excitement which renewed German complications and the Waite-Peck murder case have served somewhat to mitigate.

The punitive expedition must accomplish one simple thing or fail. It must apprehend the murderer and anarchist.

THE VOTE OF CONFIDENCE.

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OTH the Senate and the House, a few weeks since, wrote history in which the President was most vitally interested. It is doubtful whether Mr. Wilson has turned a more satisfying page since the great legislative book was spread open before him.

In demanding a "vote of confidence," he acted, he declared, in defence of the country's prestige and even in defence of her integrity as a nation to be respected and feared. It became pretty generally noised abroad that friction existed between the legislative and executive departments of the government. It was rumored that Congress was out of sympathy with the President, and that Congress would even refuse to countenance the President's foreign policy, insofar as it related itself to the German submarine order. Mr. Wilson made an issue of this.

"The report," he wrote to Mr. Pou of the House Committee on Rules, "that there are divided counsels in regard to the foreign policy of the Government is being made industrious use of in foreign countries. I believe that report to be false, but so long as it is anywhere

He demanded, in brief, that the Congress immediately voice the sentiment of its members, so that not alone he but all the world might judge whether there was any foundation for the report of discord.

There was some delay. A great deal of debate ensued before the vote was taken. But the result of the vote, when at length it did come, was set down generally as a great victory for the President. In the Senate the Gore resolution, so curiously amended at the last moment, and then voted against by its author, who was, as the New York Times hinted, "possibly ashamed of the company that he would have to keep," went down to defeat. And in the House the same fate awaited, a few days later, the McLemore resolution, incorporating a warning to Americans against taking passage on armed ships. Upon the destiny of these two resolutions rested the future activity, to a large extent, of the Chief Executive, for they involved a curtailment of his right to wield a free hand in foreign diplomacy.

There appears to have been a systematic and most cryptic conspiracy in the capital. Mystery enveloped it, as must mystery envelop all intelligent conspiracy. But, however instigated and propelled, it failed of its purpose. And if there really was no conspiracy-which is a scarcely tenable theory-then at least the President and all the members of the legislative branch acquired unmistakeable knowledge of exactly how everyone else stood regarding the foreign policy to be pursued.

looked as though Verdun might prove the Waterloo, in a sense, of the Allied Powers. Germany, as the first startling accounts came flashing over the wires, was hurling her entire strength against her enemies, in an attempt to bring the long issue to a conclusion. But the full frenzy of the fray did not endure. It was too terrific to endure.

That Verdun constitutes one of the salient moves of the war cannot be doubted. The German forces have lost heavily in gaining what little ground reports credit as the fruit of their desperate offensive. The losses on both sides have been terrible, though perhaps not proportionately greater than during several other engagements. Only one position, Douaumont, has thus far been. actually taken from the Allied armies. Many attacks on Fort Vaux, close at hand, failed to break down the stubborn line of defense. It appears now as though nothing definite can possibly be settled at Verdun. Those who are following military activities closely are asking themselves where the next vital struggle is likely to be staged.

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agitation in the British colonies, and Japan is indignant over it. Furthermore Japan-whose tendency it is to act rather than talk-has insisted that a new status be established. Though denied, there is still a rumor going the rounds to the effect that negotiations are under way looking toward a revision. of the Anglo-Japanese alliance. The long and the short of the matter is that Japan isn't willing to be esteemed a peer of China. She wants to be considered China's superior.

Relations between Japan and Great Britain continue to be perfectly friendly-just as they were when the alliance was made binding. But there is a lot of discussion among the influential men at the Japanese capital. It is repeatedly

suggested that Great Britain is getting the best of things under this contract, and that the degree of assurance that Britain will lend support in case complications arise with the United States or Russia is not sufficient to warrant a continuation of coöperation on the present terms.

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Japan has other grievances also. is asserted that in Canada, Australia and other British colonies Japanese residents are not accorded treatment on an equal footing with British subjects. In China it is likewise openly hinted that British officials, and even unofficial British residents, are determined to strangle Japanese interests in that country. Japan will never brook interference with her Chinese policy—or at least not until her inability to dominate. there has been proved past doubt. To this prerogative, right or wrong, she clings. If Great Britain attempts to thrust in a paw of intervention, there promises to be trouble.

Finally, dissatisfaction depends upon an alleged unfair treatment in India. At the time the alliance was framed, a Russian advance upon the southwardwas looked for. The Indian aspect of the document, therefore, was shaped accordingly; and since today Great Britain and Russia have reached what practically amounts to an alliance concerning India, the Japanese feel that in this regard, as in so many other regards, they are not experiencing adequate benefits from the agreement into which they entered at the beginning of the war.