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jection as to the selection of judges and patriotism: the welfare of mankind; not the delay occasioned." a tribunal prepossessed with national bias."

And the League's president, after a

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"We want peace with honor," was the General's declaration reduced to a sent

ence.

Three of the League's officers-three men who are behind this movement with all their might added greatly to the inspiration of the Congress by delivering addresses, each on a widely differing phase of the one central subject with which all present were concerned. These men were Emerson McMillin, Henry Clews, and Dr. John Wesley Hill, filling the offices of chairman of the executive committee, treasurer, and general secretary respectively.

JUDGE D. D. WOODMANSEE

Mr. McMillin presided over the closing session, and, while his address was not formal, and quite brief, it contained much meat, and was rightfully considered one of the important utterances of the Congress.

After remarking that "none of the speakers have gotten down to details respecting our efforts to build up a great organization, through the influence of which we hope to assist in the completion of the work so splendidly started at the last Hague Conference in 1907", Mr. McMillin stated that auxiliary leagues were to be formed in every state in the Union, and that these branch leagues would in turn subdivide themselves into city and neighborhood leagues.

"An organization built up in this way", he concluded, "should reach a membership of not less than one million

possibly five times that number-made up of men and women from all walks of life, from all political affiliations, and from every section of the country. If any of these leagues are for 'peace-atany-price', I do not know it. But, whatever else the great organizations advocate, I believe they all stand with us for a World Court.

"Having reached the indicated point of progress, we can assure the government at Washington that America demands that the superstructure, for which the Hague Conference laid the foundation, be completed at the earliest propitious moment. Then we can appeal to the people of other nations, with a united front, in such numbers and strength of organization as to be sure of enlisting their coöperation.'

Mr. Clews took as his theme "The True Internationalism." He believed that what stands as the only logical remedy for fighting is just this: that a love of justice, freedom and brotherhood must be inculcated.

'In this trinity", he declared, "justice comes first, and without it the other two could not exist. When justice and reason are enthroned in the hearts of men, instead of force, war will disappear * It is as natural and reasonable for nations to bring their disputes before a proper tribunal as for individuals. We need only to create the necessary machinery, and the habit will grow."

Dr. Hill presented a line of thought which covered a number of very interesting issues. He spoke of the World Court as a "breakwater against the horrors and barbarities of war." He decried sentiment as an instrument by which it is hoped progress may be effected, saying: "Sentiment is beautiful, but it gets nowhere." He declared that the World Court idea was endorsed by all the nations of the world at the last

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Hague Conference, and that today the most representative men look upon it with entire favor.

"We stand for the organization and administration of an international tribunal before which the nations may adjudicate their differences. This is a long step beyond the Hague Tribuanl, which proceeded by negotiation, compromise and arbitration. The difference between a World Court and the Hague Tribunal," he said, summing up the whole situation, "is the difference between arbitration and adjudication."

Space is limited, unfortunately, to such an extent that, great as the pleasure would be, we cannot go into that detail in recording the activities of the Congress which individual contributions most warmly deserve. The very names of the speakers are sufficient to insure in advance the high quality of discussion which has perforce to be passed over here in the most perfunctory manner. Such names as Ex-Secretary Jacob M. Dickinson, Dr. James Brown Scott, Rabbi Joseph Silverman, Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart, Prof. W. B. Guthrie, Hon. Henry R. Rathbone, Senator W. G. Harding, Senator Lawrence Y. Sherman, Bainbridge Colby, Hon. Leslie M. Shaw, Judge William H. Wadhams, Dr. Talcott Williams, Hon. Simeon E. Baldwin, Hon. Charles Thaddeus Terry, and Hon. Charles A. Towne are enough in themselves to insure the success of such a gathering. But the measure was heaped up. There were the two brilliant K. C.'s, Hon. H. A. Powell and Hon. P. B. Mignault, both members of the Joint Commission; there was Dr. Frederick Lynch, there was Hon. James A.

Tawney, and there was Henri La Fontaine, of Berne, Switzerland. Hon. John J. Lentz was on hand with his son and heir, who was fortunately caught by the photographer, and who smiles at you from another page of this issue. Rev. John J. Burke brought a special message from Cardinal Farley, and Henry Bruere, the City Chamberlain, represented Mayor Mitchel. Frederick W. Hinrichs and James L. Tryon were also welcome eleventh hour additions. Invocations were spoken by Rev. Edgar Whitaker Work, D. D., Rev. Dr. Percy Stickney Grant, Rev. Dr. S. Edward Young, Rev. Dr. Junius B. Remensnyder, Rev. Dr. C. L. Goodell, Rev. Dr. Joseph Silverman, Rabbi Rudolph Grossman, Rev. W. H. Morgan, D. D., and Rev. John J. Burke, C. S. P.

Hon. Charles Lathrop Pack, Hon. William McCarrol, Hon. James M. Speyer, Judge D. D. Woodmaniee and Hon. Sidney E. Mezes were among the men who presided.

And the women- ! But you will find a comment on the indispensable part they played, in the Woman's Department of this number.

Of course this report does not at all do justice to the occasion. An entire issue of this magazine could profitably be devoted to the proceedings of the Congress, and even then little more than the cream of things would be presented. The Congress was a triumph both in itself and for all who participated. The sessions were all vital and stimulating, and the work of advocating the estab lishment of a World Court was given a huge impetus forward.

T

A HANDFUL OF INFORMAL INTERVIEWS WITH
DELEGATES TO THE CONGRESS-MEN CHARGED

ENTHUSIASM

and persuaded him to retire into a corner and comment more fully upon this interesting phase.

"Yes," admitted the man who had just roused the delegates in the music room to a high degree of enthusiasm, "it is

WITH BIG IDEAS AND HE Court Reporter, who kept his eyes and ears very carefully open throughout the Congress, both in and out of session, spied Albert Bushnell Hart emerging from the music room at the Biltmore. The celebrated Harvard professor of international law had just given his address, whose subject was "Facing the Difficulties." He

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had just been telling his audience that "any kind of peace to be successful must depend upon so arranging the world— its boundaries, its territorial adjustments that any one who disturbs that arrangement shall automatically bring down upon him the opposition of the international body politic." The Court Reporter

HON. AND MRS. JOHN J. LENTZ AND JOHN J. LENTZ,
JR., OF OHIO.

John J. Lentz, Jr., was the youngest registered
delegate at the Congress.

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justment of Europe, and Asia also, before a World Court can be established."

"Well," quesioned the Court Reporter, "what vould you do, irst of all, were you to be given :arte blanche in he matter?" He paused relectively a monent, and then eplied: "First of all,

had listened, in a rapt way, to this ut- I think the Serbs ought to be united terance, and had also heard the speaker to form a distinct and inviolate declare that it would be extremely dif- nation." ficult to rearrange the map of Europe so that it should remain permanently in that form.

"All the Serbs?"

"All with the exception of the Austrian Serbs. There should be a coaliThis mention of a new European tion of Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, map seemed the Court Reporter's cue. etc., and I think there will have to be He swooped down on Professor Hart before any permanent peace can come.

Then the Turks-"

"You would solidify the Turkish nation?"

"I would confine the Turks to a restricted territory," he replied. "I would get them out of Constantinople, most certainly. They don't belong in Constantinople."

What seemed the gist of the Professor's theories is this: that a more concrete and unequivocal distribution of territory must be effected before the Old World can be considered immune from danger. What about the great empires, though? What about tinkering with the holdings of England, France, Germany, Russia? The Court Reporter confessed his own confusion on the subject.

"No," replied Prof. Hart, slowly, "you couldn't challenge the national pretensions of those greater Powers without evolving a fatal situation. You see, there are the colonies. It would be next to impossible, considering the enormous obstacles, to make nations out of the colonies. The obstacles are manifold. For example, think of India a moment. It is certain that India would have revolted from British rule long ago, except that she would then have been sure to fall under Mohammedan rule, which would be a far worse condition. The Moslem rule, it is admitted, would be much more oppressive than the rule which India has supported thus far. No, we should get into all sorts of difficulties if we began meddling with the possessions of the greater Powers."

The talk returned, for a moment, to smaller nations, where the possibility of change seemed more promising.

"I am certainly full of admiration for the Bohemians," declared Professor Hart. "I think they are the finest people in Central Europe. Among them we find most successful business men, bankers, etc. As a nation, Bohemia. stands very high in the opinion of the rest of the world."

"Do you think it would be possible," he was asked, "for Bohemia to become one of the leading nations?"

"Well," admitted Professor Hart, "I'm afraid not. You see Bohemia is so limited in both population and area. There is no room for expansion."

"Yet there is always the story of Japan to rehearse in this connection," he was reminded..

"Ah, but Japan, without going outside of her own territory, had room for fifty or sixty million people. But Bohemia has room for only about five or six million."

The distinction could not be surmounted, so that we had to drop the alluring design of boosting Bohemia into the first rank of nations.

"As I said," repeated Professor Hart, returning to the point of departure, and preparing to be carried off by a crowd of friends who, the Court Reporter surmised, meant to take him out to lunch, "the reorganization of the world's geography is going to be a tremendously difficult thing. Yet such a réorganization must come about."

His friends claimed him, but the Court Reporter, who suddenly remembered that he had not asked his captive anything about how he stood regarding the World Court, was solaced by the sudden recollection of a particularly stirring paragraph which had formed an item in the address just concluded. The following, then, answers the question which the Court Reporter forgot to put:

"Peace is coming. We hope we shall not all be old men and women when it arrives. There will be peace. There will be a withdrawal of armies. There will be a withdrawal of navies. There will be a resumption of commerce by sea and by land. . . . A school boy, called upon to define latent heat, said it was a kind of heat which did not give vent to itself but remained neutral. There appears to be that in human nature, which the World Court must

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