meet. That is the last resort that the World Court must depend upon: leading mankind to believe that its reasonable ambitions will be realized by some kind of elastic understanding to which we may give the name of World Court." WITH Senator W. G. Harding the Court Reporter enjoyed the privilege of strolling several times up and down down the length of one of the Biltmore corridors. The Senator had just come from Washington to address the Congress, and while his day was cram full of engagements, he generously devoted a few moments to whose duty it is to feed the ever-hungry galleys. one tice to the Almighty, illumined by justice from on high, and out of these very essentials of all civilization must come justice among the nations of the earth. Nations are but the aggregate of individuals, and the practices of men must become the habits of nations.' Hon. HENRI LA FONTAINE, Senator from Berne, Switzerland. "A World Court?" he began. "Yes, I believe in a World Court. I am very enthusiastic about it. Furthermore, I don't think its establishment is going to be postponed into the indefiniteness of long future vistas. I think the world will be ripe for such a tribunal just as soon as the present hostilities. are over. When peace is declared, all the belligerent nations should be in a frame of mind making the project highly feasible." He conducted the Court Reporter up to his room and presented him with an advance copy of his speech. The Court Reporter culled from it the following fine expression of ideals, which seemed to him most aptly to embody the Senator's convictions on the subject: "Justice is God's master-gift and his supreme requirement. We base everything worth while on justice to one's self, justice to one's fellows, and jus These phrases, not here recorded consecutively, had been uttered the evening before at Carnegie Hall by Hon. Henry R. Rathbone of Chicago. They had marked out the speaker for capture, and the Court Reporter seized upon the first oportunity. The reply to the first question, which had something to do with practicability, or the amount of effort which must be expended before the World Court could be really established, sizzled with optimism. "Most of the ground has already been covered," declared Mr. Rathbone. "The next step is to carry national ethics into international relations. It is purely a matter of evolution. The outlook is most encouraging. I may say to you with all seriousness, and without any exaggeration, that the establishment of an international tribunal is quite near. OSCAR T. CROSBY, whose article on national preparedness which appeared in the May number of the WORLD COURT, proved food for constructive discussion between sessions at the Congress, was on hand. Mr. Crosby was a delegate, of course. "I think it is of the utmost importance," he told the Court Reporter, "that a definite agreement be reached as to just what power is going to back up the decrees of this World Court, and where the power is to be vested. If the power is left to be applied by the nations, there will be immediate and fatal confusion." Professor Crosby was busy circulating copies of his recent letter, to Senator Shaforth concerning an "International Peace Tribunal." An important item in this communication recommends that "if at any time before the appropriations "authorized the proposed amendment to bill 2710 shall have been contracted for there shall have been established, with the cooperation of the United States of America, an international tribunal or tribunals competent to secure peaceful determinations of all international disputes, and which shall render unnecessary the maintenance of competitive armaments, then and in that case such naval expenditures as may be inconsistent with the engagements made in the establishment of such tribunal or tribunals shall be suspended, if so ordered by the President of the United States." ACCORDING to Henri La Fontaine, the Senator from Berne, Switzerland, who honored the Congress with his presence, and who was one of the speakers at the closing session, the great solution of the world's problem entails two principles. "The first of these," he stated, "involves the right of people to dispose of themselves. The second principle, which is a dependent of the first, covers local administration. The great solution"-and it should be noted in passing that Mr. La Fontaine has just written a book on this very subject, which is due from the presses in the near future-"the great solution includes the aims of all the worthy organizations now working to secure better international conditions. The World's Court League, the League to Enforce Peace --these and others are striving to attain the ideal. It is through a faithful effort on the part of all that such conditions as shall spell perpetual peace must come about." THE Court Reporter tried to waylay Hon. Charles Lathrop Pack as he was leaving the stage of Carnegie Hall. Mr. Pack had just dismissed the Tuesday night audience. He had presided over the session. It was the Court Reporter's design to have quite an ambitious interview, but fate conspired to prevent the consummation of this hope. Mr. Pack could not then be detained. Nevertheless, he made it possible for the Court Reporter to set down on his pad a record of the fact that Mr. Pack and Miss Mabel Boardman were childhood playmates, and that the latter once saved his life-or at least she dressed a badly bumped nose for him once. "We were coasting," explained Mr. Pack, who seemed full of a reminiscence stirred, no doubt, by the lady's fine eloquence (for she had been one of the evening's speakers). “We were coasting, and there was an accident of some sort. My nose fared very badly in the scrimmage, and Mabel Boardman, then and there, porformed upon it the most deft ministrations. She certainly is a born nurse. I take great pride," he ended, "in the feeling that I was really her first case!" Significant Phrases CAUGHT AT THE CONGRESS WE renounce aggression! America is ready to speak. America first only when America is right. America's only stand is to be big brother to the world. A World Court-the vision of it is at our door. We must have a Court capable of determining what the right is and then enforcing it. There is but one code of right for nations and for men; nothing can be right between nations which is wrong between men. The Man of Galilee never spoke of nationalism; he spoke of humanity. Let us extend the Monroe Doctrine till it becomes a Monroe Doctrine for the world. A new and more complete E Pluribus Unum. . . We see the futility of ententes and alliances. There must be no more secret treaties among nations. Diplomacy has been tried, but has not justified itself. Let us see to it that the next international treaty is not merely a truce. No war ever decided that anyone was right. The sword is the argument of tyranny. War is futile as well as brutal. War is the sneer upon the face of returning barbarism. The very possibility of war creates the aggressive attitude that brings on war. The first by-product of the World Court will be an abolition of militarism. Force ruled the world; then, at last, law was born. The legitimate fruits of this war shall be a more perfect peace. War will be swept from the earth; we will have justice enthroned. War is abnormal, peace is normal. Our country .... should be prepared to take its part with force, when reason fails. We should have preparedness. The question is: what is adequate preparedness? There is nothing in the constitution of the World Court which makes -or should make-its members pacifists. Our feet are in the clay; our heads are among the stars. We will put the world in order. The development of man has lost its balance. We throw our destiny into the scales of justice. Some day reason will be regnant. Stand up for a new manhood.! THE CHINO-JAPANESE QUESTION BY RALPH E. HARBOLD EDITOR'S NOTE: This may truly be termed the great international era, inasmuch as the minds of all thoughtful men are turned to face problems concerning not so much their own community or nation as those arising between the Powers of the world. Among the problems which it is our duty to study few present more interesting phases than the problem involving the relationship of Japan and China. While there is a very marked disagreement of opinion over Japan's intentions, the fact that she has intentions is hardly disputed. Granting this, it remains to investigate these intentions and see whether Japan is actuated by selfish or unselfish motives. Mr. Harbold, who has given the matter close attention, has graciously consented to give the readers of THE WORLD COURT his opinions on the subject. This writer, as will become at once apparent, takes the stand that Japan is not to be credited with altruistic motives. In fact, he accuses Japan of an extreme degree of selfishness and greed. Japan has her champions, of course, who would be ready and eager to dispute this contention. Many points of view are essential in any controversy destined to prove helpful and constructive. We offer this point of view with the hope that it may stimulate as well as enlighten those who peruse the following article. merce and manufactures; she can feed her people at a cost lower than at present, and she can so greatly enlarge her army and navy that the nations will have just cause to fear her. Hence Count Tadasu Hayashi, in his "Secret Memoirs," makes the strikingly candid admission that the foreign policy of Japan is one of aggression and expansion, and has for its ultimate end a protectorate over China. JAPAN'S RECENT DEMANDS The foreign policy of Japan is one of aggression and expansion, and has for its ultimate end a protectorate over China. Japan's intentions upon China are far from altruistic. When Japan works, she works slyly and silently. . an Let Japan be conceded only a foot- Economically, politically, morally, is A policy of "simultaneous political and commercial penetration," as Mr. Pooley, the compiler of the "Memoirs," terms it, plainly evidenced in the recent demands which Japan presented China. In fact, these demands are the key to the Japanese attitude, showing as they do, to |