by a judicial tribunal. I am not in favor of that view. I think we ought to go ahead and ought to be able to abide by the judgment, whether we win or lose. There is not anything in the history of arbitration, and we have had a hundred of them since the arbitration was provided for in Jay's Treaty, that has done so much to educate the world, and especially the two parties immediately concerned, as the Geneva Arbitration and the Fisheries Arbitration. England went into that Geneva Arbitration and was held to pay fifteen million dollars for the damage she had done to our commerce, and her Judge, Sir Alexander Cockburn, the Lord Chief Justice, left the bench, left the arbitration and went around abusing his fellows, Charles Francis Adams and others. He took the privilege of going down to damn the court at the corner grocery. But England, while she made grimaces, while she made faces, finally went down into her pocket and paid the fifteen million. Now, growing out of the same joint high commission, there was the arbitration about the fisheries in which they charged that we had been stealing their fish, and according to the Arbitration Board they

proved it, and they were awarded five millions for the fish that had been taken. Then you should have heard the Northern part of this country, Gloucesterwise and the rest. What they said was that the judges did not understand the case, it was an outrage, and we ought never to pay it--but we did. We went down into our pockets and fished out five millions of dollars, and paid it over. Now never in the history of arbitration have two things happened so near together that have done so much to put us and England and Canada in the attitude of indulging in a habit of arbitration. So that it has come to this: That when we have a difficulty with Canada, we never think of war. We have a coast-line four thousand miles long; sand miles long; no battleships, no forts, and we know in our hearts— well, most of us do; I don't suppose you can speak for a hundred millions of people-but the great body of the people know that when we have such a difficulty with Canada it is to be settled how? Judicially, by a court, and that is what we labor for, to offer that benefit to the whole world, so that we may well say of its coming, "speed the day."

Lying in the hammock 'neath the trees, (Swing lightly low, swing low) Softly fanned by a passing breeze, Swing lightly low and slow.

Through dark pine boughs the clear blue sky,

(Swing quietly, swing low) A fleecy cloud, a bird on high; Swing quietly--and low.

A merry sunbeam touching there(Swing happily, yet low)

A sudden glint in gold-tinged hair; Swing happily-yet low.

A tender mem'ry for the absent one,
(Swing gently low, so low)
A smile, a tear-the setting sun:
Swing gently low-alone.

-Beth Widney, National Magazine.

life is encouraged, in connection with those meetings where probity and fidelity and the highest standards of honor are held up to the growing boy and girl that we find the conservation of the resources, the natural resources of this great country.

I have very frequent invitations from different parts of the state to speak upon what is almost invariably termed "Civic Righteousness." One of our great dangers is that an apt expression sometimes loses its force by repetition, and that once expressed an idea passes into a cant phrase. I hope this term of "Civic Righteousness" will not be used so that it loses its proper meaning and its proper force. We mean right conduct in civic relations, and as with charity it should begin at home. The first thing for any citizen who thinks that he must concern himself with civic righteousness should do is to examine his own conduct in civic relations and ascertain whether he is doing as a citizen what he should do.

Right conduct in civic relations does not fundamentally mean the promotion of some particular proposal of reform. There may be great differences of opinion with regard to particular measures that are supposed by some to make for progress, but there is no difference of opinion with regard to those fundamental standards of civic conduct upon which we must continually insist to get any reform at all. We must, for example, insist upon the fair expression of the people's will and obedience to that expression. There are those who in one way and another would constitute themselves the controlling forces with regard to public movements. They are not content with appealing to the conscience or the intelligence of the people and securing the verdict which will come from an intelligent electorate upon any public question fairly discussed; but they want to so operate the mechanism of

government that any such expression can hardly be had or had with extreme difficulty, while they in effect, through the form of popular government execute their own sweet will.

Now, in civic right conduct we must find at the base the recognition of the fact that we depend upon the intelli gence of the people. We must give it expression; we must abide by the conclusions that it registers. Hence I do not think much of the claims of the promotion of civic righteousness of the man who is ready to obey without dissertation the orders of a "boss" against his duty.

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The line of civic right conduct is not the line for the public officer of recognizing some one else as the one in control of his office rather than himself, according to his oath of office. We must have abundance of consideration and advice and consultation. We must be open minded, patient, and fair; but we must recognize the right of the people to control, the right of the voters of a party to control party decision, and the right and duty of public officers to execute the trust confided to them. And in these matters each one in his own way has his influence. have been sometimes chagrined to find those who were very intent upon a particular proposition which they thought of great importance, entirely regardless of the means taken to enforce it, or of their support of the candidacy of men who were entirely, in all their official conduct, opposed to the very fundamental requisites of our free institutions. We must begin at the base and put every stone secure, and build an edifice that will stand. Do not make any mistake in supposing that you can ever accomplish anything, if you ignore the absolutely necessary foundations of popular government. I speak of this here because so frequently under the head of "Civic Righteousness" so many appeals are made for different matters which do not take

account of these essential propositions. I have the greatest confidence in our future. We are here to-night in the great Metropolis of the country. We have been disturbed of late by many considerations with regard to questions of administrations, but he is a very poor American and unworthy of his privilege of working in this great city, who would despair of New York. There are, in churches, in synagogues, in various associations, religious and not religious, civic, social, under all sorts of banners, a host of men and women who are devoted to the attainment of what is right and just; and they will attain it, both with regard to the government of the city and with regard to the government of the State.

There may be those who are so overcome by certain displays of evil that they are constantly harboring the notion that the world is becoming baser. They are talking frequently of the problem of evil, and they are concerning themselves constantly with its manifestation in many lamentable forms. But the most striking and the most wonderful thing in the world is the onward march of good. The great miracle of the universe is the aspiration of humanity for its highest and its best. The greatest wonder of the world is the wonder of the substantial supremacy of virtue. When you reflect upon our human failings, of the passion of poor humanity, of its temptation, of the conditions under which so

large a number of our people live, of the sad inheritances of so many children, and despite our progress, of the defective education of so many, the marvel is that we still, by degrees, and perhaps spirally, go upward. The race wasn't wound up in the days of Assyria, bad as Assyria was. It wasn't wound up in the days of the Roman Empire, hopeless as the conditions were. It isn't going to be wound up now, and we can form only a faint conception of what humanity is going to be, and of the conditions under which human beings will live, from the extraordinary progress that has been made. Yes, we are going forward, and it is in groups of work like this, it is in the varied Associations of effort, with which this city and State and country fairly teem, it is amid all the discouragements because of the difficulty of seeing present gain on the part of those who are nevertheless steadfastly aiming to give their best for the promotion of every good enterprise, that we make this progress possible. And I am glad to be here tonight to tell you again of my appreciation of what you are doing, to bid God speed to your pastor, and to express the hope that we may all meet again, perhaps not here, but at some other place; and wherever we do meet, it will be with good cheer and courage and light heart, because we have confidence in our fellow men and faith in God!

N New York, the most cosmopolitan city in the world, the native American and the immigrant join to-day in expression of enthusiastic appreciation of the great blessings of free government, peace and prosperity. The pride of the native American is stirred with the richness of his inheritance. His ancestors, by their bravery and self-sacrifice, preserved for us without stain the glorious Stars and Stripes. The Sons and Daughters of the Revolution and the Grand Army of the Republic may well rejoice with pride in the glories of Independence Day.

The immigrant who has shown initiative, courage and enterprise in breaking his home ties and braving the hardships and risks of adventure in at new land, blesses America to-day for greater opportunity and greater liberty. Those who have suffered from persecution and oppression in the land. of their birth shed tears of holy joy when the National Hymn is sung, and when they witness the sight of their children devoutly saluting the Stars and Stripes.

I do not fear any divided allegiance to the United States on the part of any such immigrants. Should the call for common defense be sounded, every Irishman, every Russian, every German, every Italian, and in fact every worthy foreign born citizen will be stirred by one impulse-the protection of American Liberty and of American Honor. Differences in politics, in race, in color and in creed fade away in the common glory of an exalted Americanism.

We have inherited glorious tradi

tions and great privileges. It is not enough that we hand these down to the next generation in their present condition. It is the duty of the citizen of to-morrow to build up upon the splendid foundation already secured through the sacrifice of others and give more than he receives to the generation to come. Nor should we rest idly. awaiting the advent of war, to show our patriotism. There is the patriotism of peace. Equally with military, naval and aerial preparedness, we need civic preparedness. We must help to save the Government not only from external dangers, but from internal indifference and corruption. Daily, in civic service, in self-sacrificing effort should we give practical help not only in conserving our free institutions which have cost so dear, but in purifying and ennobling them.

In our Government by the people. the people should take more active part. As a rule, unfortunately, they are neglecting their duty. They are throwing stones at the politicians. They are freely criticizing, but not actively helping them to make things better. It is time that construction takes the place of destruction. In the spirit of Independence Day, it is proper for me to counsel that you enter political life. Do not fear being called a politician. This term should be regarded not as one of reproach, but as a title of honor. Until the people actively help and encourage the men who are serving in politics, until, in fact, the people in business and professional life become politicians, we (Continued on page 38)