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PART II.

War of Edward III. in France—Causes of his Success-Civil Disturbances of France-Peace of Bretigni-its Interpretation considered-Charles V.-Renewal of the war-Charles VI.—his Minority and Insanity-Civil Dissensions of the Parties of Orleans and Burgundy—Assassination of both these Princes-Intrigues of their Parties with England under Henry IV-Henry V. invades France-Treaty of Troyes-State of France in the first years of Charles VII.-Progress and subsequent Decline of the English Arms-their Expulsion from France-change in the Political Constitution — Louis XI.- his Character-Leagues formed against him-Charles duke of Burgundy—his Prosperity and Fall-Louis obtains possession of Burgundy-his Death— Charles VIII-Acquisition of Britany.

FRANCE.

War of Ed

France.

No war had broken out in Europe, since the fall CHAP. I. of the Roman Empire, so memorable as that of PART II. Edward III. and his successors against France, whether we consider its duration, its object, or the magnitude and variety of its events. It was a ward III. in struggle of one hundred and twenty years, interrupted but once by a regular pacification, where the most ancient and extensive dominion in the civilized world was the prize, twice lost and twice recovered in the conflict, while individual courage was wrought up to that high pitch, which it can seldom display, since the regularity of modern tactics has chastised its enthusiasm, and levelled its distinctions. There can be no occasion to

CHAP. I. dwell upon the events of this war, which are faPART II. miliar to almost every reader; it is rather it is rather my aim to develope and arrange those circumstances, which, when rightly understood, give the clue to its various changes of fortune.

Causes of his success.

Character of
EdwardIII.

France was, even in the fourteenth century, a kingdom of such extent and compactness of figure, such population and resources, and filled with so spirited a nobility, that the very idea of subjugating it by a foreign force must have seemed the most extravagant dream of ambition.* Yet in the course of about twenty years of war, this mighty nation was reduced to the lowest state of exhaustion, and dismembered of considerable provinces by an ignominious peace. What was the combination of political causes, which brought about so strange a revolution, and, though not realizing Edward's hopes to their extent, redeemed them from the imputation of rashness in the judgment of his own and succeeding ages ?

The first advantage which Edward III, possessed and his sop, in this contest, was derived from the splendour of his personal character, and from the still more eminent virtues of his son.

The pope (Benedict XII.) wrote a strong letter to Edward, (March 1340,) dissuading him from taking the title and arms of France, and pointing out the impossibility of his ever succeeding. I have no doubt but that this was the common opinion.

But the Avignon popes were very subservient to France. Clement VI. as well as his predecessor, Bene

Besides prudence and

dict XII. threatened Edward with spiritual arms. Rymer, t. v. p. 88 and 465. It required Edward's spirit and steadiness to despise these menaces. But the time, when they were terrible to princes, was rather passed by; and the Holy See never ventured to provoke the king, who treated the church, throughout his reign, with admirable firmness and temper.

military skill, these great princes were endowed CHAP. I. with qualities peculiarly fitted for the times in PART IL which they lived. Chivalry was then in its zenith; FRANCE. and in all the virtues which adorned the knightly character, in courtesy, munificence, gallantry, in all delicate and magnanimous feelings, none were so conspicuous as Edward III. and the Black Prince. As later princes have boasted of being the best gentlemen, they might claim to be the prowest knights in Europe; a charaeter not quite dissimilar, yet of more high pretension. Their court was, as it were, the sun of that system, which embraced the valour and nobility of the Christian world; and the respect which was felt for their excellencies, while it drew many to their side, mitigated in all the rancour and ferociousness of hostility. This war was like a great tournament, where the combatants fought indeed à outrance, but with all the courtesy and fair play of such an entertainment, and almost as much for the honour of their ladies. In the school of the Edwards were formed men not inferior in any nobleness of disposition to their masters; Manni, and the Captal de Buch, Felton, Knollys and Calverley, Chandos and Lancaster. On the French side, especially after du Guesclin came on the stage, these had rivals almost equally deserv ing of renown. If we could forget, what never should be forgotten, the wretchedness and devastation that fell upon a great kingdom, too dear a price for the display of any heroism, we might

CHAP. I. count these English wars in France among the PART II. brightest periods in history.

FRANCE.

and John.

*

Philip of Valois, and John his son, showed but Character of poorly in comparison with their illustrious enemies. Philip VI. Yet they had both considerable virtues; they were brave, just, liberal, and the latter, in particular, of unshaken fidelity to his word. But neither was beloved by his subjects; the misgovernment and extortion of their predecessors during half a century had alienated the public mind, and rendered their own taxes and debasement of the coin intolerable. Philip was made by misfortune, John by nature, suspicious and austere; and although their most violent acts seem never to have wanted absolute justice, yet they were so ill conducted, and of so arbitrary a complexion, that they greatly impaired the reputation, as well as interests, of these monarchs. In the execution of Clisson under Philip, in that of the Connétable d'Eu under John, and still more in that of Harcourt, even in the imprisonment of the king of Navarre, though every one of these might have been guilty of treasons,

The bravery of Philip is not questioned. But a French historian, in order, I suppose, to enhance this quality, has presumed to violate truth in an extraordinary manner. The challenge sent by Edward, offering to decide his claim to the kingdom by single combat, is well known. Certainly it conveys no imputation on the king of France to have declined this unfair proposal. But Velly

has represented him as accepting it, on condition that Edward would stake the crown of England against that of France; an interpolation which may be truly called audacious, since not a word of this is in Philip's letter, preserved in Rymer, which the historian had before his eyes, and actually quotes upon the occasion. Hist. de France, t. viii. p. 582.

there were circumstances enough to exasperate thé CHAP. I. disaffected, and to strengthen the party of so po- PART II. litic a competitor as Edward.

FRANCE.

Resources

Next to the personal qualities of the king of England, his resources in this war must be taken of the king of England. into the account. It was after long hesitation that he assumed the title and arms of France, from which, unless upon the best terms, he could not recede without loss of honour.* In the mean time he strengthened himself by alliances with the emperor, with the cities of Flanders, and with most of the princes in the Netherlands and on the Rhine. Yet I do not know that he profited much by these conventions, since he met with no success, till the scene of the war was changed from the Flemish frontier to Normandy and Poitou.

The first instrument in which Edward disallows the title of Philip, is his convention with the emperor Lewis of Bavaria, wherein he calls him, nunc pro rege Francorum se gerentem. The date of this is August 26, 1337, yet on the 28th of the same month, another instrument gives him the title of king; and the same occurs in subsequent instances. At length we have an instrument of procuration to the duke of Brabant, October 7, 1357, empowering him to take possession of the crown of France in the name of Edward: attendentes inclitum regnum Franciæ ad nos fore jure successionis legitimè devolutum. Another of the same date appoints the said duke his vicar-general and lieutenant of France. The king assumed in this commission the title,

instruments he calls himself, Rex
Angliæ et Franciæ. It was neces-
sary to obviate the jealousy of the
English, who did not, in that age,
admit the precedence of France.
Accordingly, Edward had two
great seals, on which the two king-
doms were named in a different
order. But, in the royal arms,
those of France were always in
the first quarter, as they continued
to be until the accession of the
house of Brunswick.

Probably Edward III. would
not have entered into the war,
merely on account of his claim
to the crown. He had disputes
with Philip about Guienne; and
that prince had, rather unjustifia-
bly, abetted Robert Bruce in Scot-
land. I am not inclined to lay
any material stress upon the insti-
gation of Robert of Artois.

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