Side by side with the French troops, whose material and moral strength has never been greater, the American troops went into battle with the confidence one would expect in so great a nation. They are fighting shoulder to shoulder with us and, what is more, they are fighting with a spirit of offensive in accord with the well known temperament of the two armies.

At the same time the British troops, expecting the enemy's attack on the north, cooperated by the activity of their aviation, in the victory on the Marne. They were in action again, with the French and Italians on the battlefield northwest of Reims, on July 20th, capturing 400 prisoners and 20 guns.

This is not yet the "Battle of the Allies" and yet the counter offensive of July 18th and 19th marks an important date in the history of the war. It consecrates, by a victory, the importance of inter-Allied unity of command. It accords with the magnificent action of General Pershing, when, on the twenty-eighth of last March, he placed his troops at the disposal of Foch. It reveals in advance the special character and import of the future battle, and for the Americans as well as the French it justifies the great hopes which the two governments had placed in the reciprocal confidence of the two countries, the close collaboration of the two general staffs and the common ideals of the two peoples.

E. RÉQUIN,

Lt. Colonel, French General Staff.

With the Americans on the Marne

S

OMEWHAT over a month ago a French General encountered an American Colonel of infantry below Château-Thierry.

"How long have your men been on the march?" asked the General.

36 hours."

the defenses of the Paris Road by taking the last corner of the Belleau Wood and advancing the line northwest of Château-Thierry from the village of Vaux to the Bois de la Roche. In the month that it has been in the line the American unit has been faced by seven German Divisions of which it has worn out five, two of them first-class and one specially mentioned by the Kaiser. Until this glorious 4th of July when some of the troops were sent to Paris to march down the Champs-Elysées, many of them had not taken off their clothes or boots.

It was fine to see them marching this morning, through the flags and the flowers and the French acclamations-marching with a stern, determined athletic swing and eyes fixed straight before. They did not often stoop to pick up the bouquets that fell at their feet. What a difference from the happygo-lucky smiling straggle of the French veterans! The French troops are old to war and on gala days they can take their ease in the midst of their people, like a patriarch of great reputation in the admiring family circle. Our army, by contrast, is the boy of twenty-one, just coming into his majority: his past has been obliterated by the striking of the fatal hour and all he knows with a very solemn knowledge-is that the future is his to mold. the Parisians watched our men pass to-day they seemed to be taking the same knowledge as their hearts.

As

"Not at all-they'll go right in."

"Can you stop the Germans?"

three days.

"I don't care about myself, you understandit's the Company. You see they need me."

" I see," said the doctor. "The war may last a while yet, but we'll do what we can for you."

The Marne is a beautiful and peaceful country back of the lines. The river winds calm through stretches of red poppies, through waving wheat fields and wooded spaces. Up and down the valleys and hillsides the haycocks are dotted as they were in September 1914; and sometimes, along the straight, white roads, under the slim double file of poplars, a group of two or three soldiers' graves recalls more sharply that other decisive battle. It will never again, however, be a simple matter for the Germans to cross the river and descend on Meaux.

How I should have liked to view the molelike activities that were going on from one of the observation balloons that hung in the blue sky that day! Even from the motor they were obvious and several bands of German prisoners from Belleau, whom we met under guard on the road, seemed to be taking them in with a very discouraged air. I shall not soon forget the grim, disillusioned eye of one Prussian officer, who might have been a professor of Sanscrit before the war. Prisoners were often in evidence that day: the German wounded were getting exactly the same care as our own in our crowded evacution hospitals; and at a dressing station, in a picturesque old building close to the front, we came upon a Hamburg youth with his head tied up in a white bandage, who was having a lesson in Wilsonism.

He was eighteen in October, and had been fighting since then after four months of training. He spoke English correctly and precisely-having learned it at school as he explained-but he simply could not get the distinction on which our soldiers were insisting between the German people and their

rulers.

"That's Hindenburg and Ludendorff," protested the American privates, in chorus. "What's the German people think?"

"The German people think they're going to win the war this summer."

"That's what Hindenburg stuffs you with. What do the people say?"

The boy looked more and more puzzled: "They say this summer-now they begin to whisper next winter. There are more Americans than we believed, and better ones."

"What do you think?"

...

"I don't know All people think they are going to win."

"How do you know we won't stand you up against that wall and shoot you?"

That was one thing he did know. He was grinning and lighting another American cigarette as our motor started on towards Headquarters.

The warfare now being carried on in the woods, as one of the American officers who had directed it made clear to me on his map, is the nastiest in the world. It is impossible to know where the danger lies, and our men had not had a pleasant time the evening before taking the rocky knoll which the officer said was not unlike the Round Tops at Gettysburg. It was held by three German infantry companies and one machine gun and one minenwerfer company. Almost all were captured

and of the five companies most were uninjured. "The German troops were told," the officer went on, as we know from our documents, that the Americans must have no success, that their success must at all costs be prevented in this sector. It has not been prevented; it has, on the contrary, been complete. In every local attack the enemy has had more men than we and has definitely not been able to stand up against us, man for man. The American fighting here, though a series of minor engagements, technically speaking, has really a major significance: for it has shown the Germans that American troops are to be feared, that they are fast becoming the best in Europe, especially for attacking purposes."

In the French villages behind the lines, where horizon blue alternates with olive drab, the same opinion is being expressed, and the relation not only between the men, but between the staffs of the two nations, seem to be most happy. The American staff officers spoke out loud in praise of the French General of whose army corps their unit makes a part, and told how the bluff American Colonel, already mentioned, had said to him on that first day:

"You are very young to be a Corps Commander, General," and how the General had laughed.

He was young enough in any case to realize that Americans are different from Frenchmen and he had very quickly worked out in regard to the American troops under his command a theory which jumped with the views of the American staff: the theory that you can get more out of a unit of American troops if you allow them to do things their own way than if you wet-nurse them.

The French General has found his theory abundantly justified by its practical results. When he has wanted a certain line occupied he has said so-and the line has been occupied by American methods. That is how the line from Vaux to the Bois de la Roche was taken on July 1st. Even the guns were American in this case and all objectives were obtained on schedule time and positions consolidated within 89 minutes.

The French staff has always stood ready to advise and help, but not a single order has been given save through the American Chief of Staff. Anyone who has seen the spirit of our men and realized how much that spirit has been fostered by the sense that they are standing on their own feet, under their own command, must understand that this highly intelligent liaison, worked out on the Marne, should have far-reaching results for the best cooperation of the "FrancoAmericans."

ELIZABETH SHEPLEY SERGEANT.

Paris, July 4th.

W

V

The Schoolboy Man

HEN Peter moved up into the Lower Sixth he became a rather cynical man of the world with

an air of knowing more than a thing or two. He was, in fact, learning a vast number of things that are outside the books and rearranging many of his early shocks and impressions by the help of a confusing and increasing mixture of half lights. The chaotic disrespect of the young went out of his manner in his allusion to school affairs; he no longer spoke of various masters as "Buzzy,"

"

Snooks" and "the Croker," and a curious respectability

had invaded his demeanor. The Head had had him in to tea and tennis. The handle of the prefect's birch was perhaps not more than a year now from his grip, if he bore himself gravely. He reproached Joan on various small occasions for "thundering bad form," and when his friend Wilmington came on a visit the conversation became, so to speak, political.

They talked at the dinner-table of the behavior of soand-so and this-and-that at "High" and at "Bottoms" and on "the Corso," they discussed various cases of "side" and "cheek," and the permanent effect of these upon the standings and reputations of the youths concerned; they were earnest to search out and know utterly why Best did not get his colors and whether it was just to "super "old Rawdon. They discussed the question of superannuation with Oswald gravely. "Don't you think," said Oswald, " if a school takes a boy on, it ought to see him through?"

"But if he doesn't work, sir?" said Wilmington. "A school oughtn't to produce that lassitude," said Oswald.

"A chap ought to use a school," said Peter. That was a new point of view to Oswald. Afterwards came Troop, a larger boy than either Peter or Wilmington, a prefect, a youth almost incredibly manly in his manner, and joined on to these discussions. Said Oswald: "There ought not to be such a thing as superannuation. A boy ought not to be let drift to the point of unteachable incapacity. And then thrown away. Some master ought to have shepherded him in for special treatment."

one questionable consequence at least. They were acquiring political habits before they had acquired wide horizons. Were the political habits of a school where all the boys were of one race and creed and class suitable for the problems of a world's affairs?

Troop, under Oswald's insidious leading, displayed his ideas modestly but frankly, and they were the ideas of a large child. Troop was a good-looking, thoroughly healthy youth, full of his grave responsibilities towards the school and inclined to claim a liberal attitude. He was very great upon his duty to "make the fellows live decently and behave decently." He was lured into a story of how one youth with a tendency to long hair had been partly won and partly driven to a more seemly coiffure; how he had dealt with a games shirker, and how a fellow had been detected lending socialist pamphlets-" not to his friends, sir; I shouldn't mind that so much, but pushing them upon anyone "-and restrained. "Seditious sort of stuff, sir, I believe. No, I don't read it, sir." Troop was for cold baths under all circumstances, for no smoking under sixteen and five foot six, and for a simple and unquestioning loyalty to anyone who came along and professed to be in authority over him. When he mentioned the king his voice dropped worshipfully. Upon the just use of the birch Troop was conscientiously prolix. There were prefects, he said, who

savaged " the fellows. Others swished without judgment. Troop put conscience into each whack.

Troop's liberalism interested Oswald more than anything else about him. He was proud to profess himself no mere traditionalist; he wanted Caxton to "broaden down from precedent to precedent." Indeed he had ambitions to be remembered as a reformer. He hoped, he said, to leave the school "better than he found it "-the modern note surely. His idea of a great and memorable improvement was to let the Upper Fifth fellows into the Corso after morning service on Sunday. He did not think it would make them impertinent; rather it should increase their self-respect. He was also inclined to a reorganization of the afternoon fagging "to stop so much bawling down the corridor." There ought to be a bell-an electric bell in each prefect's study. No doubt that was a bit revolutionary - Troop almost smirked. "It's all very well for schools like Eton or Winchester to stick to the old customs, sir, but we are supposed to be an up-to-date school. Don't you

erel; the world outside was naught. Oswald led him on from one solemn puerility to another, and as the big boy

"Still, the masters are there," said Oswald, smiling. "The masters are there," Troop acquiesced. "But the life of the school is the tradition. And a big chap like Rawdon hanging about, too big to lick and too stupid for responsibility. It breaks things up, sir."

This manliness in the taught interested Oswald tremendously. Peter was acquiring it rapidly, but Troop seemed to embody it. Oswald himself had been a man early enough and had led a hard life of mutual criticism and exasperation with his fellows, but that had been in a working reality, the navy; this was, he reflected, a case of cocks crowing inside the egg. These boys were living in a premature autonomous state, an aristocratic republic with the Head as a sort of constitutional monarch. There was

from him to Peter and from Peter back to Troop. Until presently it realized that Peter was watching it as narrowly. "What does Peter really think of this stuff?" thought Oswald. "What does Nobby really think of this stuff?" thought Peter.

"I suppose, some day, you'll leave Caxton," said Oswald. "I shall be very sorry to, sir," said Troop sincerely. "Have you thought at all-?"

people are Church of England," said Troop, intimating thereby that his opinions were banked with the proper authorities. It was not for him to state them. And in regard to politics, "All my people are Conservative." One evening Oswald showed him a portfolio of drawings from various Indian temples, and suggested something of the complex symbolism of the figures. Troop thought it was "rather unhealthy." But-turning from these monstrosities he had hopes for India. "My cousin tells me, sir, that cricket and polo are spreading very rapidly there." "Polo," said Oswald, " is an Indian game. They have played it for centuries. It came from Persia originally." But Troop was unable to imagine Indians riding horses; he had the common British delusion that the horse and the ship were both invented in our islands and that all foreign peoples are necessarily amateurs at such things. "I thought they rode elephants," said Troop with quiet conviction...

Troop was not only a great experience for Oswald, he also exercised the always active mind of Joan very considerably.

Peter, it seemed, hadn't even mentioned her beforehand. "Hullo?" said Troop at the sight of her. "Got a

sister?"

"Foster sister," said Peter, minimizing the thing. "Joan, this is Troop."

Joan regarded him critically. "Can he play D. P.?" "Not one of my games," said Troop, who was chary of all games not usually played.

"It's a game like Snap," said Peter with an air of casual contempt, and earned a bright scowl.

For a day or so Troop and Joan kept aloof, watching one another. Then she caught him out rather neatly twice at single wicket cricket; he had a weakness for giving catches to point and she had observed it. Caught!" he cried approvingly. Also she snicked and slipped and at last slogged boldly at his patronizing under-arm bowling. "Here's a twister," he said, like an uncle speaking to a child.

Joan smacked it into the cedar. "Twister!" quoth Joan, running.

After that he took formal notice of her, betraying a disposition to address her as "Kid." Ralph Connor was at that time adding his quota to the great British tradition. It is true he wrote in American about cowboys-but a refined cowboy was the fullest realization of an English gentleman's pre-war ideals-and Ralph Connor's cowboys are essentially refined. Thence came the "Kid" anyhow. But Joan took umbrage at the "Kid." And she disliked Troop's manner and influence with Peter. And the way Peter stood it. She did not understand what a very, very great being a prefect is in an English public school, she did not know of Troop's superbness at rugger; it seemed to her that to behave as though a visit to Pelham Ford was an act of princely condescension was bad manners. She was even disposed to diagnose Troop's largeness, very unjustly, as fat. So she pulled up Troop venomously with "My name's not Kit, it's Joan-J-O-A-N."

Sorry!" said Troop. And being of that insensitive class whose passions are only to be aroused by a smacking, he began to take still more notice of her. She was, he perceived, a lively Kid. He felt a strong desire to reprove and influence her. He had no suspicion that what he really wanted to do was to interest Joan in himself.

،،

Those short returns aren't done, Kid," he said. " I do them," said Joan. "Ancient."

Peter and Wilmington were visibly shocked, but Troop

showed no resentment at the gross familiarity. "But if everyone did them!" he reasoned.

"I could take them," said Joan. "Anyone could take them who knew how."

The dispute seemed likely to die down into unverifiable assertions.

"Peter can take them," said Joan. "He drops them back. But he isn't doing it today."

Peter reflected. Troop would never understand, but there was something reasonable in Joan's line. "I'll see to Joan," he said abruptly, and came towards the middle of the net.

The game continued on unorthodox but brilliant lines. " I don't call this tennis," said Troop.

"If you served to her left," said Peter. "But she's a girl!" protested Troop.

"

Serve!"

He made the concessions that are proper to a lady, and Joan scored the point after a brief rally with Peter. "Game," said Joan.

Troop declared he did not care to play again. It would put him off tennis. "Take me as a partner," said Joan. "No-I don't think so, thanks," said Troop coldly. Everyone became thoughtful and drifted towards the net. Oswald approached from the pergola, considering the problem.

"I've been thinking about that sort of thing for years," he remarked, strolling towards them.

Well, sir, aren't you with me?" asked Troop. "No. I'm for Joan-and Peter."

"But that sort of trick play-!"

"No. The way to play a game is to get all over the game and to be equal to anything in it. If there is a stroke or anything that spoils the game it ought to be barred by the rules. Apart from that, a game ought to be worked out to its last possibility. Things oughtn't to be barred in the interests of a few conventional swipes. This cutting down of a game to just a few types of strokes-"

Peter looked apprehensive. "It's laziness," said Oswald.

Troop was too puzzled to be offended. "But you have to work tremendously hard, sir, at the proper game."

"Not mentally," said Oswald. "There's too much good form in all our games. It's just a way of cutting down a game to a formality."

"But, for instance, sir, would you bowl grounders at cricket?"

"If I thought the batsman had been too lazy to learn what to do with them. Why not?"

If you look at it like that, sir!" said Troop, and had no more to say. But he went away marvelling. Oswald was a V. C. Yet he looked at games like-like an American, he would have a man play to win; it was enough to perplex anyone...

"Must confess I don't see it," said Troop when Oswald had gone.

..

When at last Troop and Wilmington departed Oswald

"You and Troop are singularly unlike each other," said Oswald.

"Oh, that's exactly it. I can't make out why I like him. If nothing else attracted me, that would."

"Does he know why he likes you?"

"Hasn't the ghost of an idea. It worries him at times. Makes him want to try and get all over me." "Does he-at all?"

"Lots," said Peter. "I fag at the blessed Cadet Corps simply because I like him. At rugger he's rather a God, you know. And he's a clean chap."

"He's clean."

Oh, he's clean. It's catching," said Peter, and seemed to reflect. "And in a sort of way lately old Troop's taken to swatting. It's pathetic." Then, with a shade of anxiety, "I don't think for a moment he twigged you were pulling his leg."

Oswald came to the thing that was really troubling him. "Allowing for his class," said Oswald, "that young man is growing up to an outlook upon the world about as broad and high as the outlook of a bricklayer's laborer."

Peter reflected impartially, and Oswald noted incidentally what a good profile the boy was developing.

"A clean, serious bricklayer's laborer," said Peter, weighing his adjectives carefully.

"But he may go into Parliament or have to handle a big business," said Oswald.

Army for Troop," said Peter, "via a university commission."

"Even armies have to be handled intelligently nowadays," said Oswald.

"He'll go into the cavalry," said Peter, making one of those tremendous jumps in thought that were characteristic of himself and Joan.

H. G. WELLS.

S

The British Labor Truce

IR: I am only one of the many men I meet about who cannot see clearly why the English Labor Partywhich I regard as having taken most momentous steps for progress in these war times-has broken its truce with the government. None of us care lightly to convict it of political opportunism, and I therefore ask the New Republic for such information as it possesses on this subject. MCALISTER BURTON.

St. Louis, Missouri.

[We are quite sure our correspondent will be completely satisfied by the following statement explaining the reasons for and the nature of the truce withdrawal. It was made by Mr. J. E. Clynes, M.P., Food Minister in Mr. Lloyd George's Cabinet and a member of the Executive Committee of the Labor Party. He declared:

"All that Labor did in the matter of the truce with the government was to declare the truce at an end as regards bye-elections. It did this for three reasons.

"I. Some of our local organizations had been putting up candidates in defiance of our Central Labor Party Executive. By ending the truce Labor could continue to give general support to the government's war policy, but, quite properly, it could now be left free for bye-elections. Whenever the question is clearly put to British Labor to continue the resistance against the enemy, the answer is always to see the war through and obtain a settlement along the lines of the Allied policy. Labor's action then in ending the truce with the government means simply that it wishes a little more freedom in domestic matters, but desires at the same time to maintain the same degree of national unity in resisting Germany.

"II.-Bye-elections had actually been fought while the truce was still in existence. The truce had ceased to be

observed long before Labor sought an increased measure of liberty.

"III. The Reform Bill had been carried, thus preparing the way for the General Election. The bill tends to strengthen Labor. All the parties are preparing for the test of strength. It was only natural for Labor to secure freedom in order to test its strength. The breaking of the truce does not register the slightest tendency to lessen the support by Labor of the government in its war-making.

"On the international situation, the attitude of Labor is scarcely to be distinguished from that of President Wilson in interpreting the aims of America. Labor has held special conferences on the international situation. And also the Labor and Socialist forces of the Allied nations have held conferences. Although America was not represented, we have had the benefit of conversations with American delegates of Labor, and the results of our previous conferences were quite in keeping with the speeches of the American delegates, and completely in line with the expressions of President Wilson.

"Our inter-Allied programme declared that a German victory would be a disaster and defeat for democracy, and that such an aggression as Germany was guilty of upon Belgium cannot be tolerated by a democracy. Germany has shown by her policy in Russia (at Brest-Litovsk and after) that moral appeals are of no avail, and that force is the only doctrine which Germany recognizes. The interAllied memorandum held that settlements, properly made, would solve internal affairs and international relations.