the peoples of Germany and Austria signify their willingness and agreement to these pronouncements of Allied opinion, which date back as far as February, 1915.

"For several reasons, of working and wage conditions, discontent has arisen and enmity to the government, among certain groups. And that hostility to the government has been set up as hostility to the organized resistance of the government against Germany. It is essential to distinguish here between enmity to the government and the continuing unity of working-class opinion on war policy.

"The action of certain local Labor and Socialist bodies, undermining the Labor members of the government, has provoked the retaliation of the threat to start a purely trade union political party. Our own desire is to regard these differences as temporary and subordinate. The unity of the nation cannot be maintained without unity of the parties; certainly not without the unity of the Labor Party. It is therefore unlikely that there will be very much response to the suggestion of starting a trade union political party. But the protests may do good in showing resentment against the action taken by certain local Labor and Socialist bodies in their attacks on Labor men in the government."

""What of wine and women?' he asked, to be greeted with laughter. That was a personal matter. The 'sins' that mattered were those which injured that collectivity called the army, fighting for its own existence, for the U. S. A. and the democratic future of the world against a strong and dangerous foe.

"It is fair to add that the Y. M. C. A. secretary told the story himself, with the comment that the men were right."

Apparently neither Miss Sergeant nor her mild-mannered Y. M. C. A. secretary, in their efforts to get that much sought-for will-o'-the-wisp, "the soldier's point of view," have yet accomplished the art of letting him tell his story in his own words.

It is rather inconceivable that any soldier who was half a boy would be likely to include "wine and women among the four worst army "sins." In the first place,

these twain are the forbidden fruit around which clusters much of the romance of the land where the fighting forms the long, dark, contrasting shadow. In the second place, in spite of our doctrinal codes, they are not necessarily sins, either to the boys in the army or to some of us who incline more to the ethics of social economics than to so-called moral precepts.

However, if either Miss Sergeant or her secretary had asked their audience what they thought of drunkenness on post, or venereal disease, they might perhaps have received an answer that would have made their effort worth while.

We aren't sending many little white angels to France, though ignorance due to lack of proper parental teaching may be responsible for a certain degree of what, for want of a better term, may be called innocence. But there is one thing that most of our soldiers are being made aware of, and that is that the one great sin is incapacitation for service as the result of a voluntary act, whether that act be sleeping on duty, turning one's back on the enemy, contracting a venereal disease, or getting drunk.

Perhaps it would be unjust to accuse our author of such a childlike ignorance of the results of wine and women as her account might imply, but it seems at least warrantable to protest against the complacency which would have her readers believe that "wine and women are, for the soldier, "personal matters" which do not injure that "collectivity called the army," particularly when information is available to show that venereal disease (to the existence of which liquor is an adept and subtle contributor) has in the aggregate caused more incapacitation for service than perhaps any other factor except the actual fighting, and at times has rivalled and even outstripped the latter.

،،

Thanks to those American officials who, at the very beginning of our participation in the war, relinquished the silly idea that these were personal matters," our army has a lower rate of venereal disease than any other army has ever had. But don't let us destroy the fine bulwarks built up against this ever-present menace by the kind of twaddle which eggs on our soldiers to revert to any former irresponsible attitude towards it at least until victory over the Hun has returned them to civil life. And even then, perhaps, they may find that in their absence these things have been largely removed from the category of personal matters. MARK HUNTINGTON WISEMAN.

S

New York City.

War Savings
Drive Discourages Thrift

IR: I protest that the present War Savings Drive has lost sight of the original intention and in effect discourages thrift.

The "drivers " now seem bent only on raising the assigned amount, regardless of how or whence it comes. Of course the amount will be raised, but the same effort in a Liberty Loan Drive would net far greater returns.

But real harm is done in that the campaign of education in thrift is lost sight of. The small savings every individual can make are forgotten or so dwarfed by the appeal for large subscriptions that they seem valueless. And these small savings, real and potentially vast, it was the purpose of Thrift and War Savings Stamps to stimulate.

Personally I invest my surplus in Liberty Bonds, gaining some little glow of satisfaction but no education therefrom. The little booklet into which I paste my Thrift Stamps as I gather them one by one, through a soda denied or what not, rests in a pocket very close to my heart and educates my stomach, brain, and perhaps my spirit as well.

Why not adhere to that arduous campaign of education in saving by real denial of present comforts, and leave the drives for Liberty Loans, where they count so much more? Beaumont, California. ALEX STRAUSS.

American Newspapers

The Profession of Journalism, a collection of articles on newspaper editing and publishing, taken from the Atlantic Monthly. Edited by Willard Grosvenor Bleyer. Boston: The Atlantic Monthly Press.

R

1

IGHT through these able articles on the American press there runs a note of apology. For some odd reason the Atlantic Monthly did not ask Mr. William Randolph Hearst to contribute to its discussion, or perhaps he was invited and declined at any rate, even without a single admission from Gyp the Blood himself, there is an unmistakable defensiveness, almost tearfulness, about the eminent editors and publishers who write these eighteen articles. One might expect this from Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard. His subject is in itself lugubrious-Press Tendencies and Dangers and Mr. Villard's tradition is that of a journalistic Holy Roller. Aside from his extremely good article, however, there are innumerable proofs that American newspaper men are reveling in a sense of sin. One anonymous contributor, a provincial editor, just stands up on the stool of repentance and bellows. Mr. James S. Metcalfe is not on the sinful side of the house, but he has great pleasure in confessing the crimes of others. The oft-told William Winter's Tale ("Mr. Winter refused to be muzzled") is once more repeated, and the gloomiest of morals is extracted. "It is no disgrace that we are not an artistic people," but from such a people what can you expect? This is pretty much the roystering conclusion of H. L. Mencken. His article, Newspaper Morals, is not only the liveliest in the book, it is also the most genuine and provocative, but it softens its extreme hypothesis of ordinary gullibility and credulity by a sunny admission that everything comes out fairly well in the end. Mr. Mencken's article caused Mr. Ralph Pulitzer acute irritation. As King Pulitzer II., heir to a newspaper quite famous for its crusades, Mr. Pulitzer hotly resented the assertion that crusades are usually man-hunts and for this reason exciting and popular. Mr. Pulitzer declined to believe that any self-respecting newspaper could "palter with what it believes to be the right," etc. The editor's sarcasm and bitterness suggest a stifled agreement with H. L. Mencken. Is he unconsciously ashamed of the yellow ingredient in the World?

The best example of bad editorial conscience is supplied by Colonel Henry Watterson. Colonel Watterson was supposed to write on The Personal Equation in Journalism, being a celebrated Personal Equator, but unfortunately Professor E. A. Ross had just preceded him with an article on The Suppression of Important News, and Marse Henry could not leave that article alone. Professor Ross wrote it in 1910. He was not then so well acquainted with the bolsheviki as he is now, and he ended his well-founded, explicit statement of newspaper corruption with a mild proposal in favor of an endowed newspaper. "What can be done about the suppression of news?" the Professor inquired. "At least, we can refrain from arraigning and preaching. To urge the editor, under the thumb of the advertiser or of the owner, to be more independent is to invite him to remove himself from his profession. As for the capitalist-owner, to exhort him to run his newspaper in the interests of truth and progress is about as reasonable as to exhort the mill-owner to work his property for the public good instead of for his own private benefit. What is needed is a broad, new avenue to the public mind"; and

hence the necessity for an endowed newspaper. At this tame suggestion, and at the argument that led to it, Colonel Watterson went up in the air. It is sufficient to repeat the Watterson epithets to show the cumulative indignation and resentment of an old-timer. First, "the very thoughtful paper of Mr. Edward Alsworth Ross." Second, "his interesting résumé." Third, "Obviously, Mr. Ross is either a newspaper subaltern or a college professor. In either case he is, as Mr. Rosewater shows, a visionary." Mr. Victor Rosewater, "the accomplished editor of the Omaha Bee," is then brought forward to crush Mr. Ross. "I cannot resist quoting entire the admirable conclusion with which a recognized newspaper authority disposes of a thoroughly theoretic newspaper critic." Here you have the elaborate pretense of impartiality" very thoughtful," " interesting," "visionary," " thoroughly theoretic," and then a dash of Victor on Corruption. As for Mr. Ross's major argument, the argument as to advertisers and capitalistowners, Colonel Watterson is almost rhapsodic. "All these essentials to preeminent manhood," charm, energy, integrity, penetration, breadth, foresight, "must be fulfilled by the newspaper which aspires to preeminence. And there is no reason why this may not spring from the business end, why they may not exist and flourish there, exhaling their perfume into every department." You see the association of ideas; the accomplished Victor, the business end, perfumery. Any one who knows a full-grown newspaper business-office knows the probability that the editorial end will be "perfumed" by it. Colonel Watterson may have a nose for news, he has no nose for the brimstone of those baleful depths where circulation is brewed and the rate-card incanted. The Business End breathes fire and smells of carnage. The right word is not perfume.

It is obvious to any reader of these collected articles that the men who write them, for the most part the socalled intelligentsia, are acutely dissatisfied with the profession of journalism in America. Mr. Melville E. Stone is so charmed with the efficient Associated Press that he has no clear idea of his subservience to things as they are. Professor Charles Moreau Harger is benignly vocational. Mr. Rollo Ogden cultivates a walled garden. But practically all the rest, including the level-headed commentator on Honest Literary Criticism, Mr. Charles Miner Thompson, have it in their souls and on their minds to declare the false perspective of American newspapers. The values that are precious to these Americans, that is to say, are not recognized or respected or preserved by the regular run of newspapers. To work for a regular newspaper is, for such members of the intelligentsia, to work against the grain. This is not the uniform conclusion of the discussion. It is, however, the aura of the discussion. It is the clue without which the eighteen articles are unintelligible. It may be true, as the provincial editor maintains it is true, that the one way to get circulation in a small community is to be more blatant than your rival. Certainly the noisy newspapers and the time-serving newspapers manage to acquire most of the circulation between them. But the men who are thinking about journalism are not happy, and many of them agree with Mr. Villard that the dissatisfaction is widespread. "It has grown tremendously because the masses are, rightly or wrongly, convinced that the newspapers with heavy capital investments are a 'capitalistic' press and, therefore, opposed to their interests."

The relation of our newspapers to capitalism is at the root of all the apology and dissatisfaction in this volume. The notion of "capitalism" is too unanalyzed to be entirely illuminating. The processes of the Russian revolution are exhibiting the exact degree in which the notion is unanalyzed. But aside from the unanalyzed notion, there is the accompanying fact of the Russian revolution, a flaming manifestation of the vulgar realities which are so continually hectored and bullied and snubbed by the American press. Take, for example, the trial of the I. W. W. in Chicago. What has the Associated Press done about that? What have the regular newspapers done about it? It is too "unpopular," too intimately connected with awkward facts, to be allowed recognition. Yet the very basis of the Russian revolution is just such awkward fact and such "unpopular" philosophy. Is it this truth that explains the news policy in regard to armed intervention in Russia of such a decorous and apparently disinterested newspaper as the New York Times? How does it happen that the

news of President Wilson's decision has been brazenly assumed over and over again by the New York Times? Such brazen assumptions, paraded as news, illustrate day by day the kind of capitalistic activity against which the intelligentsia is in ferment.

Is an endowed newspaper the answer? Or a world-wide revolution? It all depends, of course, on the varieties and degrees of social pressure. It is hard to imagine a revolution in the United States, and impossible to imagine it until Germany is fought to the finish. But dissatisfaction with American newspapers is growing and is likely to keep on growing. The more it grows, the better.

F. H.

Austria-Hungary and Her

Slavs

The Future of the Southern Slavs, by A. H. E. Taylor. London: T. Fisher Unwin.

South Eastern Europe, by Vladislav R. Savic. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co.

At the Serbian Front in Macedonia, by E. P. Stebbing. New York: John Lane Co.

Bohemia's Case for Independence, by Dr. Edward Benes. London: George Allen and Unwin.

The Slavs of the War Zone, by the Rt. Hon. W. F. Bailey. London: Chapman and Hall.

problems that Mr. Taylor considers. These are discussed in the remaining chapters devoted to a study of the future relations of the new state with Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Bulgaria respectively, and concluding with two chapters given to the consideration of the internal problems that will confront the new state in its constitutional and administrative organization and in its industrial and educational development. To each topic Mr. Taylor makes a distinct contribution in information and understanding. The book is without exception the best on the subject for the intelligent American reader.

In discussing the future relations of the new state with Austria-Hungary, Mr. Taylor has made clear the hypocrisy of the claim of Hungary to be the constitutional state of a liberty-loving people. As a matter of fact there does not exist in Europe a worse oligarchy than that composed of the Magyar nobility, who deprive the mass of their fellow Magyars of representation in the government and tyrannously rule the other races as subject peoples. PanSerbian agitation from Belgrade unquestionably had some effect upon the Slavs of Hungary in their determination to secure independence and union with Serbia, nevertheless there can be no doubt that that determination was chiefly due to the outrageous mistreatment they received from their Magyar masters. It became more and more evident to the latter that the only way to prevent the catastrophe was by the destruction of independent Serbia. Magyar chauvinism was ably seconded by German commercialism which demanded that the Berlin-Bagdad railway pass through territory in safe and friendly hands.

To

It is indeed refreshing to read the condemnation by an English scholar of unquestioned patriotism of his country's and her allies' action in sacrificing the South Slavs' interest to Italian imperialism in the treaty of alliance made by Italy, Great Britain, France and Russia when she entered the war in May, 1915. give Italy practically the whole of Dalmatia, inhabited almost exclusively by Serbo-Croats, means for the South Slavs merely to exchange one set of masters for another, and means for Europe the establishment of an Alsace-Lorraine in its southeastern corner. Italy has no reason to fear the South Slavs, particularly if she cordially welcomes the new state into the family of nations as now seems probable. Each will need the support of the other

recent years, the information Englishmen and icans received concerning the Slavs of Austria-Hungary came from unfriendly sources, from German or Hungarian writers. The Slavs were pictured as a people with no history worth recounting, with no culture worth considering, and in the case of the Serbs with such anarchical tendencies as to prevent all stable government among them. But the education in the "international mind" which has been growing apace in the United States during the past four years has received a great addition in The Future of the Southern Slavs, by A. H. E. Taylor.

Mr. Taylor is one of those scholars who can combine the mastery of a difficult subject with an equally great skill in presenting it. The book is a plea for the erection of a South Slav state in the event of a victory for the western Allies in which will be united the distinctively South Slav peoples, namely Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Mr. Taylor devotes the first fifty of his 320 pages to a brief history of their settlement in Europe and their evolution to the present day. The story is so well told that the reader continues to the constructive part of the book with a good basis for understanding the difficulties of the

to Italy suggested by Mr. Taylor are indeed generous and sufficient to satisfy any fair-minded Italian patriot. He is on more doubtful ground when he suggests a northern boundary for the new South Slav state that would run north of the Drave and Danube rivers, though his boundaries are an improvement on the chauvinistic map at the end of the book.

In his treatment of Serbo-Bulgarian relations Mr. Taylor is very illuminating. He shows that on historical grounds much-contested central Macedonia may be claimed by Serbs or Bulgars, but that on ethnographic grounds it can be claimed by neither of them. The Macedonians are intermediate between Serbs and Bulgars and speak a patois which is intelligible to both. When he is educated, the Macedonian learns the literary language of either Serb or Bulgar, and thereby becomes a Serb or Bulgar. Mr. Taylor pleads, therefore, for the Serbian claims to the contested area not as a reward for Serbia's heroic services to the Allies and a punishment for the treachery of Bulgaria, which twice stabbed her in the back, but as a right based on solid grounds in geography and ethnography.

Mr. Taylor explains convincingly the reasons why the form of organization of the new state should be a unitary kingdom under the Serbian king and not a federation of the existing provinces or a dual Serbo-Croat monarchy. He discusses its future problems equally effectively, the division of the large estates among the peasants, the question of foreign investments, the dangers of pacific penetration, and the form to be taken by industrialism which, if in conformity with the genius of the Serb race, will be one of cooperation. One closes this interesting and illuminating book with a feeling of deep sympathy for this fine, heroic race, and with a hope that it may be enabled to attain at the close of the war the aim that has animated it through all its misfortunes, namely, unity and independence.

Had Mr. Taylor's work not been published the American reader would have been well provided with a volume which covers the same subject in Mr. Savic's South Eastern Europe. The title is misleading in that the work is confined almost exclusively to the South Slav question. The first few chapters give a brief history of the South Slavs, but not so fully nor so interestingly as Mr. Taylor's volume. The last few chapters consider the problems that will confront the new South Slav state should the Allies assist the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to secure their unity and independence. The central chapters are devoted to an exposition of the heroic stand made by the Serbians against the two unsuccessful Austro-Hungarian invasions before the Germans finally sent Mackensen to destroy the Serbian army. It is a dramatic and inspiring story which excites the greatest admiration for the Serbs' endurance, ability and heroism. Mr. Savic very wisely includes in the book the celebrated "Declaration of Corfu," the declaration of union between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which will form the basis of the constitution of the new state. An excellent, accurate map of Southeastern Europe is found at the close of the volume. The book is characterized throughout by a fine spirit of moderation, and it is interesting that its Serb author is far more lenient towards the Allies in discussing their treatment of Serbia than is the Englishman, Taylor.

The difficulties of transporting men, food and equipment from England to Saloniki, and from Saloniki to the Serbian front at Monastir, is interestingly described in E. P. Stebbing's At the Serbian Front in Macedonia. One gets also glimpses of the picturesque mixture of races in the Aegean city, Turks, Jews, Greeks, Serbs, French, Russians, English and Italians, and their union under General Sarrail into an international army. The descriptions of the bleak country at the front, of the splendid work performed by the Scottish Women's Hospital with which Mr. Stebbing was connected, and of the magnificent bravery of the Serbs in their capture of Monastir form truly interesting reading. The author is chatty and diffuse, but he has written a book that will make a popular appeal. It is, moreover, excellently illustrated.

When the Hungarians (about the year 1000 A. D.) pushed their way westward across the Danubian plains until their progress was arrested by the Germans, the Slavs of Central Europe were permanently divided into the two groups of South Slavs and North Slavs, and from that time until the French Revolution, the two groups had practically no relations with each other. It is most unfortunate that there does not exist in English a book that will provide the intelligent reader with a knowledge of the history and status of the North Slavs, of the CzechoSlovaks of Austria-Hungary, in the way Mr. Taylor's book does for the South Slavs. Nevertheless no American need remain in ignorance of the heroic struggle the Bo

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hemians have maintained for centuries to prevent the extinction of their nationality and culture by the Germans, for it is convincingly, if briefly, told by Dr. Edouard Benes in Bohemia's Case for Independence. The record given by this fine exiled patriot of Bohemia's contribution to European civilization from the time that John Hus died for the freedom of individual conscience in 1415 to the present moment when dozens of Czechs have been hung, hundreds driven into exile and thousands deprived of their all for the sake of "self-determination," is a truly inspiring one. The reason why Austria-Hungary is determined that the Czech countries, namely, Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia, shall not gain independence is clear from the figures given by Dr. Benes of their superiority to the other Austro-Hungarian provinces in agriculture, mining, manufacture and commerce. To erect an independent Czecho-Slovak state would not only be a death-blow to the existence of the Dual Monarchy but to any hope of a Pan-German Mittel-Europa. When one reads of what the Czechs have done for the Allied cause in disorganizing the Austro-Hungarian armies by wholesale desertions to the enemy, in reducing the war loans by general refusal to subscribe, in crippling the governmental administration by parliamentary filibustering of every description, one hopes that when the time for the great settlement arrives their services as well as their heroism will not be forgotton.

The Slavs of the War Zone, by the Rt. Hon. W. F. Bailey, is not a war-book nor does it discuss except incidentally the history and political status of those peoples. It was written to inform Englishmen of their habits and customs, their views of life, their hopes and aspirations. In this the author has succeeded. He is evidently a keen observer and gives a vivid, though at times a too detailed, description of market places, costumes, festivals, religious observances and daily life generally among the common people. Mr. Bailey appears to be at home among the North and South Slavs, among Poles, Ruthenians, Czechs, Croats and Serbs. Though he writes but little of their history and politics, he evidently knows them, and the reader closes the book with the feeling that its perusal was time well-spent. Unfortunately the book is without a map.

The Germans began this war with the slogan, the "Slav Peril." The slogan was a true one, but the peril was all to the Slavs. The war, in one of its aspects at least, is an attempt upon the part of the Slavonic peoples to rid themselves once and for all of Teutonic domination with its contempt for the rights of "inferior peoples." Every believer in the principle of nationality, every supporter of the right of a people to determine their own mode of life must wish them success. One vampire state that battened upon the life of subject peoples, namely, Turkey, has practically disappeared from Europe. One other still remains. Mr. Gladstone once said "nowhere has Austria done good." It is to be regretted that certain of his disciples have today taken the position held by his mid-Victorian Tory opponents against whom the famous parody of "Who is Sylvia?" was directed:

Who is Austria? What is she?
That all our swells commend her?
Dogged, proud and dull is she;

The heavens such gifts did lend her
That she might destroyed be.

But what is Austria? Is it fair

To name among the nations
Some Germans who have clutched the hair
Of divers populations,
And, having clutched, keep tugging there?
STEPHEN P. DUGGAN.

David Pinski's Plays

Three Plays by David Pinski, translated from the Yiddish by Isaac Goldberg. New York: B. W. Huebsch. $1.50.

invention in the squalor of a Russian Ghetto. About him are his little hungry, unwashed children, and the old father with his ashen drawl: "Dead! Dead! Empty!" Most distracting of all, his wife, Baylye, threshes about continually, nagging, persuading, reproaching, pecking like an angry beak.

BAYLYE: "A fine thing! Takes a vacation for himself and doesn't go to work in the factory already the third day! Wants to invent machines. Such big profits we get from his inventions! Makes Golden rich, that's all!"

Convincingly alive is Baylye, too disheartened to wash her face or keep her kerchief straight. Essentially the Eternal Survivor, she is not a special product of either her race or her environment. Culture would only refine the expression of her consistent, because basic, materialism.

Their cellar home is painted with appalling fidelity. We can almost sniff the rags. Here is that spiritual decay of the workers that sets in before maturity-the wet-rot of cellar plants that have never had enough sun. Only in Isaac life flames hectically. There is an effect of transparency about him. We seem to see his intensely focussed will burning as through the slides of a lantern. But it is a socketless light that throws off no heat. Pinye is a note of irritating and unnecessary emphasis on this death-in-life. He is a curious example of the persistence of the Greek Chorus, that buried Amazon whose fibrous hair sprouts through the centuries in little distorted growths.

While I believe a drama may be poured into as many moulds as verse or painting or any other art, I think the chosen form should be like the body of an athlete, without an ounce of surplus. But this play is littered with unessentials. People ungermane to the action drift in and out as in a saloon where none are rejected. We see Isaac smash the machines in the factory, yet the entire incident is retold in the scattered gossip in the third act. Still, the whole leaves a conviction of sincerity and life, usually missing in Pinero's and Sudermann's technically perfect dramatic exercises.

In the four-act drama, The Last Jew, the pogrom is only adjutant to the symbolism of the theme. This applies to most of the characters as well. Reb Mayshe, the city preacher, and his son Yekef represent the opposed spirits of old Judaism that have so strangely kept pace through the spirit of the hero-prophet and that of the petty trader, who has bulked so great in the eyes of the world that he has obscured the race. In the three grandsons one feels the rushing and conflicting streams of modern Jewish thought. Here Socialist and Zionist face each other over an ever-widening chasm. Here, too, is the artist, drifting down the path of least resistance to the well-laid-out garden of Christianity, where he imagines less ugliness than he finds in his traderfather. Save for Reb Mayshe, the God of Israel has ceased to exist for any of them. His eyes alone behold the awful beauty of Jehovah, the Ancient Thunderer, who will yet send a redeemer to his Chosen. But in the Socialist and the Zionist, faith is not dead, merely unleashed. When Minye, the mother of the boys, announces the expected pogrom, Yekef the Trader thinks only of his store, but his sons rush off to the defense of the people. The servers of Jehovah are now the servers of humanity. Only Leon, the pagan-artist, lingers, unsure and unhappy.

The old preacher, deserted by his family, goes calmly forth, serene in the belief that he will find "the Army of the Lord" rushing to the defense of the synagogue. Instead, he discovers the Lord's army in the safety of the woods, busily swaying and mumbling over the Eighteen